Everett Chiropractic Center Blog

August 28, 2026

Friday Funnies: Off to the Races!

Filed under: Uncategorized — doctordilday @ 8:56 am

DR. ROBERT W. MALONE AUG 28
 
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OK – today is a little abbreviated! We are off to the Brownstone conference! Wish you all could be here, and I hope to meet a few of you from the comments section (Thomas, please introduce yourself – I believe I read that you are coming)!

JGM


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August 27, 2026

Corporate Medicine’s Attack on Chiropractic

Filed under: Uncategorized — Tags: , , , , — doctordilday @ 1:10 pm

Mark Studin, DC, FPSC, FASBE(C), DAAPM  |  DIGITAL EXCLUSIVE

https://share.transistor.fm/e/630e86ce

WHAT YOU NEED TO KNOW

  • The chiropractic profession is under a sophisticated and relentless assault from corporate medicine, so strategically executed that most don’t even recognize it happening.
  • Corporate medicine’s expansion into chiropractic is not an ideological conflict; it is an economic strategy grounded in analytics, vertical integration and technological leverage.
  • The issue is not whether change is occurring – it is whether the profession will adapt quickly enough to remain in control of its clinical destiny.

The chiropractic profession is under a sophisticated and relentless assault from corporate medicine, so strategically executed that most don’t even recognize it happening. The campaign is powerful, calculated, and well-funded, demonstrated by its covert tactics and the millions being invested to carry it out. Corporate medicine’s endgame wants only two things from chiropractic: all our patients and all our money – and it is getting it.

How the Attack Was Defined

Corporate healthcare systems are fundamentally driven by analytics and return on investment (ROI). Executive leadership frequently includes highly trained financial officers and data scientists who apply predictive modeling to service-line performance, reimbursement patterns, and downstream revenue generation. They hire MBAs from Harvard, Yale, Duke, Stanford, Emory, and Baylor, among others, to act as their chief financial officers (CFOs). They pay them extremely well and give them powerful tools for analytics and practice management, with only one thing in mind: ROI.

Over the past 5-10 years, chiropractic has achieved broader acceptance among medical providers, third-party payers and the public. Simultaneously, insurers have expanded coverage for conservative spine care while maintaining defined utilization thresholds (e.g., visit caps).

From a corporate perspective, chiropractors represent both a portal of entry into musculoskeletal care and a controllable component within a broader, revenue-optimized system of pain management and spinal surgeries. Within vertically integrated models, reimbursement structures and insurer-defined visit limits often shape care pathways.

The Chiropractic Lure

Corporate medicine recruits DCs with annual salaries ranging from $150,000 to $300,000 (most at the lower end), along with promises of future equity and profit participation tied to corporate benchmarks that are entirely outside the chiropractor’s control. Typically, the incentive offered is 1%-2% of a potential “downstream sale” to a larger corporation – an event that, if it occurs, is projected to yield $1-$2 million for the DC.

In exchange, the chiropractor turns over their entire practice to the corporation, often including the office lease. They transition from practice owner to the lowest-level associate within a corporate structure, with little to no authority over patient care decisions.

After tracking corporate acquisitions nationwide for five years, it is my impression that almost no DC has realized a single dollar beyond their associate salary or the initial buyout, which is generally modest and accepted in anticipation of a larger payout that, in most cases, never materializes.

The Endgame

The objective is for the chiropractor to function as a referral gateway within the system – directing patients toward pain management, concurrent physical therapy and ultimately, surgery. That is where the return on investment (ROI) is maximized. The greater financial gain lies in those procedures, and the entire model operates within the constraints established by the insurance industry.

If insurance carriers authorize 12 chiropractic visits, the corporation limits care to those 12 visits – allowing the DC to provide any services they choose within that framework. Once those visits are exhausted, care is discontinued, regardless of whether the patient would benefit from continued chiropractic treatment, which is often consistent with a typical and clinically appropriate care plan.

However, the evidence indicates that completion of a full chiropractic care plan is central to patient outcomes. Ntedan (2020), in a cohort study of 8,023,162 patients, reported that 96% experienced improvement under chiropractic care.1 Yet within this system, such outcomes are secondary. The driving force is not optimal patient recovery, but the pursuit of maximum ROI.

Caveat Emptor

To get more patients to surgery, some corporations offer a percentage of the income to DCs and try disguise that apparent “illegal kickback arrangement” as a performance bonus for doing a good job overall. This action, in some corporate offices, underscores corporate medicine’s overall desire to go to great lengths to increase its ROI.

Filling the Funnel and Getting the Patients

Corporate medicine has learned a great deal from chiropractic. Unlike hospitals and medical systems that traditionally relied on emergency rooms to feed their practices, chiropractors had no built-in referral pipeline. We had to go directly to the public or cultivate relationships with referral sources – attorneys, primary-care MDs and medical specialists.

We built those relationships intentionally: breakfast, lunch and dinner meetings; golf outings, boat trips sporting events – virtually any social setting imaginable. The goal was simple: remain top of mind. This strategy, known as “top-of-mind (TOM) consciousness marketing,” became a hallmark of chiropractic success. Medicine, aside from pharmaceutical-sponsored dinners or trips, rarely needed to develop that level of referral cultivation.

Corporate CFOs eventually recognized that duplicating those high-touch, relationship-driven efforts at scale would devastate their ROI and conflict with their business model. Instead, they adapted the concept and engineered a new paradigm – one designed to increase ROI while producing even stronger referral outcomes. They replaced much of the human interaction with digital systems, significantly reducing staffing costs, the single largest threat to profitability.

At the same time, corporate medicine concluded that traditional social media marketing and print advertising yield minimal referrals and further erode ROI. Their shift toward scalable, systemized digital referral strategies reflects lessons first mastered by chiropractic, just implemented through a corporate lens and the right technology.

Information Systems as Competitive Infrastructure

One of the most significant differentiators between corporate medicine and independent chiropractic practice is information system sophistication.

Modern medical electronic health records (EHRs), including systems such as AdvancedMD and Athenahealth, function not only as documentation platforms, but also as integrated business engines. These systems commonly include:

  • Automated referral communication (e.g., real-time transmission of evaluation and re-evaluation reports to referring providers: lawyers and MDs)
  • Integrated prescription interoperability with providers’ reports attached for record gathering and marketing
  • Automated social media review solicitation and reputation management
  • Structured top-of-mind referral reinforcement with automated report sending to MDs and lawyers
  • Embedded analytics dashboards

These capabilities often operate with minimal manual staff involvement, reducing labor overhead – historically one of the largest contributors to practice expense – and increasing ROI efficiency.

In contrast, many legacy chiropractic EHR systems (the ones we see in ads frequently) were developed primarily for documentation and compliance rather than integrated marketing, interoperability, and automated referral reinforcement. As a result, independent practices face a technological disadvantage in referral velocity and systemic visibility.

All the CFOs explained that the success of their business model is built entirely around information systems – specifically, their EHR platforms.

Knowing chiropractic as well as I do, I asked about the legacy EHR systems commonly used in our profession and mentioned the top five platforms recognized throughout chiropractic. They were familiar with every one of them. In fact, those were the first systems they evaluated when acquiring chiropractic offices. Their conclusion was clear: Chiropractic is approximately 8-10 years behind mainstream medicine in terms of information systems.

In every case, they removed the chiropractic EHR and replaced it with a medical-based system.

The leading medical EHR platforms provide far more than documentation and billing. They include fully integrated marketing packages that drive top-of-mind awareness and dramatically increase social media engagement and reviews. Remarkably, these marketing capabilities are included at no additional cost within the EHR subscription, enabling corporations to meet strict ROI benchmarks.

For the corporate chiropractor, however, there is a significant downside: Most medical EHR systems are not customized to support the specific clinical, documentation and reporting needs of the chiropractic profession. However, there are companies that now merge medicine’s advanced information systems with robust chiropractic platforms.

Top-of-Mind Marketing and Referral Automation

Historically, as shared previously, chiropractic referral development relied heavily on relationship-based strategies: professional dinners, social events, in-person meetings, and community engagement. While effective, these approaches are labor-intensive and episodic. Once the event concludes, referral reinforcement diminishes.

Corporate systems have digitized and automated TOM strategies. Automated report transmission, structured communication loops, and review-generation algorithms maintain continuous visibility with referring providers and the public – without proportional staffing increases.

The result is scalable referral generation. Corporate executives report weekly referral volumes of 200+ new cases, well above typical independent practice benchmarks. Corporations are using those tools, already integrated into their systems, to change the referral patterns of other providers and the choices of the public, starting with the chiropractor, then funneling them into pain management and physical therapy, only to end up with surgery (when each is indicated).

The problem is that the chiropractor has no control over patient triage or over forcing patients to progress through the funnel, preventing the 96% positive outcomes without failed physical therapy for the spine2-3 or the need for drugs or surgery (all evidenced in the literature).

Credential Marketing 

What works best in addition to TOM marketing and reviews? To that end, I interviewed seven CFOs from coast to coast about achieving a robust stream of referrals, with the endgame of using “advanced credentials as a lure” to attract new patients. They replied that it is ground zero for them and that they will not engage any doctor unless that doctor has top credentials in their field; and they pay a premium for those doctors (chiropractic included). In essence, they already had what I suggested.

Keeping Patients in Chiropractic

To start, chiropractors nationwide must meet corporate medicine on its own terms. Their CFOs are correct: TOM and review marketing works. However, historical marketing of meals, social events, and social media marketing will destroy your ROI and are failed marketing technologies. Once the event is over, you need another event and another to stay at TOM.

Chiropractic must immediately implement those TOM activities to maintain what we have or we will continue to erode utilization further due to corporate medicine’s actions.

Clinical Implications and Patient Outcomes

Despite the above outlined outcomes of chiropractic care, delivering better outcomes as the first line of intervention for spinal musculoskeletal conditions, triage governance is now controlled by the corporations.

When care pathways are governed by visit caps or internal triage algorithms within vertically integrated systems, chiropractors now have limited influence over continuation of conservative chiropractic management beyond insurer-defined thresholds. This typically alters the natural progression of care to accelerate transitions into higher-revenue services.

Maintaining professional autonomy in clinical decision-making is therefore central to preserving chiropractic’s role as a primary spine-care discipline.

Strategic Imperatives for the Chiropractic Profession

To remain competitive and clinically influential, practicing chiropractors must address several structural realities:

  1. Technological Parity: Integrated, interoperable information systems are no longer optional. Practices must adopt platforms capable of automated referral communication, analytics tracking, and review management.
  2. Data-Driven Practice Management: Corporate medicine’s advantage is not philosophical; it is analytical. Chiropractors must become equally fluent in metrics, outcomes reporting and ROI modeling to ensure sustainability. Although it sounds complicated, this is all automated in contemporary EHR systems.
  3. Advanced Clinical Credentialing: Corporate systems often prioritize providers with advanced training and credentials. Ongoing postgraduate education strengthens both referral credibility and negotiating leverage.
  4. Integrated but Autonomous Models: Emerging hybrid platforms that integrate medical-grade technology with chiropractic-specific workflows offer a pathway that preserves autonomy while achieving systemic parity. As a profession, we must transition toward those integrated systems – quickly.
  5. Re-Evaluation of Legacy Chiropractic EHR Systems: Legacy chiropractic EHR systems were developed primarily for documentation and compliance rather than integrated marketing, interoperability, and automated referral reinforcement. Fragmented software ecosystems with multiple external plug-ins often increase costs while reducing integration efficiency. Consolidated platforms typically deliver stronger interoperability and lower administrative burden.

Take-Home Points

Corporate medicine’s expansion into chiropractic is not an ideological conflict; it is an economic strategy grounded in analytics, vertical integration and technological leverage. Chiropractors are viewed simultaneously as valuable clinical providers and as gateways into higher-revenue spine services.

The profession now faces a pivotal decision. Without technological modernization and strategic adaptation, independent chiropractic risks progressive erosion of market share and diminished influence within musculoskeletal care.

Keeping pace with corporate medicine and chiropractic utilization requires advanced technology and myriad other things medicine has been doing for almost a decade. Its incentive is strong, but so is ours, and more of the same will keep our profession on the “slippery slope.”

There are emerging companies that integrate the best of medicine and chiropractic into a single platform, which is the future of chiropractic’s success. One “tell” that will help an individual practitioner find the best is the number of external plug-ins or add-ons used by other companies.

Existing chiropractic EHR systems are scrambling to keep pace and don’t have the money to keep up with medicine. That lack of integration is typically more expensive and gives you fewer tools that, in appearance, do what you want, but don’t, due to that lack of integration.

Remember, corporate medicine only wants two things from you: all your patients and all your money. It’s past time to make changes to keep pace. The issue is not whether change is occurring – it is whether the profession will adapt quickly enough to remain in control of its clinical destiny.

References

  1. Ndetan H, et al. Chiropractic care for spine patients over 4 years) conditions: analysis of National Health Interview Survey. J Health Care Res, 2020(2):105.
  2. Blanchette MA, Rivard M, Dionne CE, et al. Association between the type of first healthcare provider and the duration of financial compensation for occupational back pain. J Occup Rehab, 2017;27(3):382-392.
  3. Farrokhi S, Bechard L, Gorczynski S, et al. The influence of active, passive, and manual therapy interventions for low back pain on opioid prescription and health care utilization. Phys Ther, 2024 Mar 1;104(3):pzad173.

August 26, 2026

They Will Blow Up the World to Save Their System

Filed under: Uncategorized — doctordilday @ 1:20 pm

August 24, 2026

THEY PANIC: Carney Suspends Trade Talks — Bessent Knows What’s Really Coming

Filed under: Uncategorized — doctordilday @ 6:44 pm

MODERNA’S mRNA FLU SHOT: FDA REFUSED IT, THEN REVERSED ITSELF IN TWO WEEKS

Filed under: Uncategorized — Tags: , , , , — doctordilday @ 4:29 pm

MALONE.NEWS

Approval is not evidence.


The Executive Summary: What This Essay Shows

On August 5, 2026, FDA licensed mFLUSIVA, Moderna’s first mRNA influenza vaccine. For Americans 50 through 64, it granted traditional approval. For those 65 and older, the population that accounts for roughly 70 to 85 percent of American influenza deaths, FDA used accelerated approval.

The central fact of this essay is simple: FDA licensed mFLUSIVA for seniors without clinical evidence that it works better than the enhanced influenza vaccines seniors already receive. The study designed to answer that question begins after approval.

That was not FDA’s original position.

On February 3, FDA issued a Refusal to File letter because Moderna had not compared mFLUSIVA clinically with the enhanced vaccines preferentially recommended for older Americans. CBER director Vinay Prasad personally signed the refusal, overriding career vaccine reviewers who believed the application should be reviewed. Moderna made the letter public, challenged the decision, and called for White House intervention.

The White House intervened. FDA Commissioner Marty Makary was summoned to meet with President Trump. CNN reported that Trump berated him over the Moderna decision and that the confrontation prompted FDA’s reversal. A source close to the process told Politico that the subsequent meeting between FDA and Moderna provided the agency a way to reverse course publicly. Fourteen days after refusing the application, FDA accepted it without Moderna having performed the clinical comparison that triggered the refusal.

Within three months, Prasad was gone. Makary was gone. The vaccine-office director who had opposed the refusal remained and ultimately signed the license.

Moderna still has not performed that comparison. Instead, FDA granted accelerated approval for seniors and required a postmarketing study of as many as 800,000 people to determine how mFLUSIVA performs clinically against a vaccine preferentially recommended for them.

That reversal is the organizing fact of the regulatory record. The experiment FDA initially said was important enough to prevent the application from being reviewed became an experiment that could wait until after the vaccine was licensed.

The accelerated-approval rationale raises a second problem. The pathway exists for products addressing serious conditions that provide a meaningful therapeutic benefit over available treatment. Seniors already have three enhanced influenza vaccines: Fluzone High-Dose, Fluad, and Flublok. FDA had no direct clinical evidence that mFLUSIVA provides greater protection than those vaccines when it approved the senior indication.

FDA instead relied on antibodies.

In a separate study of approximately 3,000 seniors, mFLUSIVA produced stronger antibody responses than Fluzone High-Dose. But FDA acknowledges that no formal correlate of protection has been established for mFLUSIVA, and its own analysis produced a problem. For B/Victoria, one of the three strains in the licensed vaccine, Moderna’s analysis failed to demonstrate a statistically significant relationship between the antibody response and protection from illness. B/Victoria also produced an efficacy confidence interval ranging from 18.5 percent worse to 57.5 percent better, and its seroconversion result falls below the absolute threshold contained in FDA’s 2007 influenza guidance.  In contrast, the FDA was obsessive about these issues during the review and authorization process for the live attenuated intranasal influenza vaccine called Flumist, to such an extent that the manufacturer has shied away from development and marketing of other innovative vaccines.

Three different measurements therefore fail to provide a clear answer for the same licensed strain. FDA moved strain-specific efficacy into the postmarketing study.

The large FLUENT trial did establish that mFLUSIVA performs better than a standard-dose influenza vaccine in adults 50 and older. Confirmed influenza fell from 2.8 percent to 2.0 percent, an absolute reduction of 0.73 percentage points that Moderna reports as 26.6 percent relative vaccine efficacy. Roughly 137 people had to switch to mFLUSIVA to prevent one additional case of laboratory-confirmed influenza.

The additional reactogenicity was much larger. Injection-site pain increased from 29.8 to 65.8 percent, fatigue from 20.3 to 45.1 percent, and reactions severe enough to prevent normal daily activity from 0.9 to 5.5 percent. For every 137 people switched to mFLUSIVA, roughly six additional people experienced a vaccine reaction severe enough to stop their normal daily activity while one additional case of influenza was prevented.

There was one favorable signal involving more serious disease. Influenza requiring hospitalization, emergency-room care, or urgent care occurred in 22 mFLUSIVA recipients and 42 controls. But only 64 such events occurred, the endpoint was exploratory, and the comparator was again the standard-dose vaccine, not the enhanced vaccines preferentially recommended for seniors.

Neither pivotal trial measured whether mFLUSIVA prevents influenza deaths. Mortality was not an efficacy endpoint anywhere in the development program.

The safety database raises a separate unresolved question. Across 71,916 participants, overall mortality was nearly balanced. But the coded categories encompassing unexplained death, sudden death, and sudden cardiac death occurred 29 times after mFLUSIVA and 12 times after comparison vaccines. FDA identified the imbalance, said the absence of autopsy data limited its ability to determine the causes, and nevertheless judged it unlikely to be vaccine-related.

No autopsies were performed on the mFLUSIVA deaths. This does not establish that mFLUSIVA caused them. It establishes that FDA identified an unexplained mortality imbalance, identified the evidence missing from its evaluation, and licensed the vaccine without obtaining that evidence.

Then there is the advisory process. FDA’s Vaccines and Related Biological Products Advisory Committee, VRBPAC, voted 9–0 in favor. Twice. Yet while the committee was deciding whether antibody responses justified approval for seniors, FDA was still reviewing Moderna’s analysis of whether those antibodies were actually associated with protection from illness. FDA twice declared that analysis outside the scope of the committee briefing. The committee endorsed the surrogate before FDA finished evaluating whether it predicted the clinical outcome.

The politics make this harder to dismiss as ordinary FDA procedure. Kennedy fired every member of CDC’s ACIP, calling the inherited vaccine committee a “rubber stamp” and arguing that wholesale replacement was necessary to restore trust. FDA’s largely inherited vaccine advisory committee was not similarly replaced. It then voted unanimously for the first mRNA influenza vaccine. HHS announced that new vaccines would undergo placebo-controlled safety testing before licensure, then exempted influenza vaccines because they had been used safely for more than 80 years, extending the safety history of conventional influenza vaccines to a delivery platform never before licensed for influenza.

And the approval matters beyond mFLUSIVA.

FDA does not describe the principal unmet need as the absence of effective influenza vaccines for seniors. It emphasized the manufacturing advantages of mRNA, including avoiding egg-adapted mutations, faster strain changes, and pandemic preparedness. Licensing mFLUSIVA also strengthens Moderna’s regulatory platform for its COVID-flu combination vaccine and H5 pandemic-influenza program.

That matters because Congress created a formal Platform Technology Designation Program in 2022. FDA had already been discussing this approach with WHO in 2021: once an mRNA platform is sufficiently established, data from one product can potentially reduce the testing required for subsequent products using the same manufacturing process and delivery system. Today, the U.S. licensed mRNA vaccine market belongs to Moderna and Pfizer/BioNTech.

FDA was not simply licensing one vaccine. It was establishing a regulatory foundation that can make Moderna’s next mRNA vaccine easier to approve.

The question is what FDA now means by “approval.”

For seniors, FDA did not establish before licensure that mFLUSIVA prevents more influenza, hospitalization, or death than the enhanced vaccines already recommended for them. It did not resolve the B/Victoria problem. It did not resolve the unexplained mortality imbalance. It had not completed its own analysis of the antibody surrogate when its outside advisers voted. And it had not finalized the enormous clinical study intended to answer the central question left by all of this.

Again and again, the missing evidence was not required before approval. It was moved after it.

That is the essence of this regulatory record, and the reason the story matters beyond one Moderna vaccine. If an approval today becomes evidence supporting the next product on the same platform, then every unanswered question FDA accepts today can become an assumption it does not require anyone to test tomorrow.

FDA refused mFLUSIVA because an important experiment had not been done. Fourteen days later, it agreed to proceed without it. Six months later, it licensed the vaccine. The experiment comes next.

Let’s get into it:

Either your parents or your peers will be offered this shot this fall. They should see the FDA’s own record before they decide. Please pass it along.

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Five Years Ago

On December 11, 2021, I wrote about Moderna’s experimental influenza vaccine data (Malone 2021), after the company released its first human data. The market reaction was immediate: Moderna fell 5.57 percent that day and BioNTech 9.33 percent. The reason for my concern was straightforward. Moderna’s own Phase 1 data showed that its influenza vaccine produced substantially more adverse reactions than conventional flu vaccines. That problem was visible in 2021. Five years later, the pivotal Phase 3 trial shows the same pattern.

That table showed 92 percent of participants aged 50 and older reported adverse events at the 100-microgram dose, compared with 33 percent in the placebo group. Among participants aged 18 to 50, the figures were 90.5 percent and 30 percent.

What made these results particularly important was that they offered a rare opportunity to separate the effects of the mRNA platform from the effects of the COVID spike protein. The COVID shots produce spike, and much of the concern about their side effects centered on that protein. Moderna’s flu candidate produced a different protein entirely, an influenza surface protein called hemagglutinin. Same delivery system, different cargo. If the side effects remained high after swapping out the cargo, then spike could not be the whole story. I attributed the remainder to the modified mRNA itself and to the synthetic fat particle that carries it into cells.

The published trial data later filled in distinctions that were not visible in Moderna’s investor slides.

I was working from the slides Moderna presented to investors, and I reported the adverse-event figures as adverse events. The published trial later provided an important distinction. Solicited reactions are symptoms investigators specifically ask participants to record, such as injection-site pain, fever, fatigue, and headache. Unsolicited adverse events are other medical events participants report during the specified follow-up period. Serious adverse events include events such as hospitalization, life-threatening illness, and death. 

The 92 percent figure I cited was the rate of solicited reactions, not serious adverse events. In the published study, among participants 50 and older, solicited reactions occurred in 54.5 percent at 50 micrograms, 92 percent at 100 micrograms, and 95.2 percent at 200 micrograms, compared with 33.3 percent on placebo (Journal of Infectious Diseases, 2025). Severe reactions also increased with dose. Investigators reported no serious adverse events they considered related to the vaccine.

The mechanistic question is less settled. The influenza vaccine changed the antigen while retaining the basic mRNA delivery platform, yet reactogenicity remained high. That provides evidence that the spike protein cannot, by itself, explain the reactions seen with COVID mRNA vaccines. It does not tell us which component of the remaining platform is responsible. No influenza trial has independently varied the modified mRNA and lipid nanoparticle components in a way that would answer that question. 

I attributed the remaining reactogenicity to the modified mRNA and the lipid nanoparticles carrying it into cells. Five years later, the evidence points more strongly toward the lipid nanoparticles. They are not inert packaging. The ionizable lipids used to deliver mRNA can themselves activate innate inflammatory pathways, and experimental studies have demonstrated inflammatory responses to LNP formulations even in the absence of the encoded antigen. What remains unresolved is how much of the clinical reactogenicity comes from the LNP, the mRNA-LNP interaction, antigen expression, or other components of the formulation.

What Got Approved

The vaccine FDA approved in 2026 was not the same formulation Moderna tested in 2021. The company cut the dose, dropped from four flu strains to three, and reformulated. FDA licensed the result as mFLUSIVA on August 5, 2026. The product contains 37.5 micrograms of mRNA, 12.5 per strain. That is a fraction of the 100- and 200-microgram doses that produced the striking early numbers.

Two earlier Phase 3 trials of this vaccine failed outright. Studies P301 and P302 tested the original formulation and missed their primary objectives. Moderna then modified the influenza B antigen with two stabilizing mutations. Those two failed trials contribute nothing to the efficacy case for the reformulated vaccine, but their participants were included in the pooled safety database FDA later used to evaluate deaths and other adverse events.

FDA applied two different approval standards to two different age groups, and that distinction is critical.

Adults aged 50 to 64 received standard approval, based on evidence that the vaccine prevents influenza illness. Adults 65 and older received accelerated approval, based on antibody responses, with a follow-up trial required to determine whether those antibody levels translate into fewer hospitalizations and deaths (Pharmacy Times 2026a).

Accelerated approval deserves an explanation because most people have never heard of it. Congress created the pathway during the AIDS crisis, when patients were dying while promising drugs sat in review. It allows the FDA to license a product based on a surrogate endpoint, a laboratory measurement expected to predict the outcome patients actually care about. Tumor shrinkage can stand in for survival. Antibody levels can stand in for protection against disease. The manufacturer then owes FDA a confirmatory study to establish whether that prediction was correct.

The pathway was built for a specific situation: a serious disease where the new product offers a meaningful advantage over available therapy. That requirement is written into the regulation, and it is the hinge on which this approval turns.

Seasonal influenza in American seniors does not obviously fit that description. Four vaccine types are already licensed and available in pharmacies.

FDA’s outside expert panel, the Vaccines and Related Biological Products Advisory Committee, voted 9 to 0 for approval in the younger group and 9 to 0 again for accelerated approval in the older group (BioPharm International 2026). The committee is a standing body of academic and clinical experts convened to advise the agency. Its votes do not bind FDA, and the agency occasionally departs from them. Usually, it does not.

The 65-and-older population is not some peripheral subgroup in influenza policy. It is the population bearing most of the serious consequences of the disease. CDC attributes roughly 70 to 85 percent of seasonal influenza deaths and 50 to 70 percent of influenza hospitalizations to people 65 and older. During the severe 2024–2025 season, they accounted for 71 percent of estimated deaths and 57 percent of hospitalizations (CDC 2025).

And it was this population, the one most likely to be hospitalized or die from influenza, for which the FDA accepted the weaker evidentiary standard of accelerated approval.

Evidence the FDA Knew Was Missing, Then They Licensed Around It

Companies submit a vaccine to the FDA through a Biologics License Application, a submission that can run to tens of thousands of pages. FDA’s first decision is whether the application (data) is complete enough to review. If it is not, the agency issues a Refusal to File letter. This is uncommon, and it says nothing definitive about the product itself. It means the company has not submitted enough for FDA to conduct its review.

Moderna got a Refusal to File letter for their mRNA influenza application.

The reason was specific. The company had not used the best available standard of care as its comparison group in the elderly: the high-dose or adjuvanted influenza vaccines preferentially recommended for Americans 65 and older. (Pharmacy Times 2026b). Agency leadership said at the time that FDA was finished rubber-stamping vaccines and would enforce requirements more aggressively after approval.

The promise of tougher standards lasted until those standards became inconvenient.

Moderna requested what FDA calls a Type A meeting, the category reserved for applications that have stalled. The company proposed splitting the age groups: standard approval below 65, accelerated approval for those 65 and older, with a study against a high-dose comparator vaccine to follow. FDA accepted the amended application and set a decision deadline of August 5, 2026.

But nothing about the evidence in the elderly changed between the refusal and the approval. Moderna did not run the trial FDA had said was missing. Instead, the company agreed to run it after approval, and FDA agreed to approve the vaccine first. The evidentiary defect FDA had identified in writing was not corrected. The requirement was moved to after licensure.

An agency that says it has stopped rubber-stamping vaccines should not accept a promise to produce evidence in place of the evidence it previously said was necessary. It should require the evidence. FDA had the authority to do that. It chose not to use it.

The refusal was not reversed because Moderna produced the missing evidence. It was reversed after political intervention, at the company’s public request, in fourteen days.

Vinay Prasad became director of the Center for Biologics Evaluation and Research on May 6, 2025. CBER reviews every vaccine licensed in the United States. Within it, the Office of Vaccines Research and Review conducts the scientific review. David Kaslow has led that office since October 2022.

FDA’s own reviewers opposed refusing Moderna’s application, and they said so before the letter was issued. Three agency officials told STAT that a team of career scientists had already been assembled and was prepared to conduct the review, and that Kaslow wrote a detailed memo explaining why it should proceed (STAT 2026a). At a January meeting, staff argued directly to Prasad that refusing the application was the wrong course.

Prasad overruled them. On February 3, 2026, he personally signed the Refusal to File letter rather than leaving it to Kaslow, whose office would ordinarily issue it. Such letters are not normally public. Moderna released a redacted copy.

On February 10, Moderna disclosed the refusal, arguing that FDA had previously accepted its trial design even though the agency had specifically recommended using an enhanced flu vaccine as the comparator in seniors. Moderna had chosen the permitted standard-dose comparator instead. The company pledged a formal challenge and publicly called for White House intervention. Its stock fell as much as 12 percent.

The White House intervened. Two days later, Makary was summoned to the White House. Politico reported that President Trump expressed frustration with FDA’s handling of vaccine matters, citing two people familiar with the meeting. CNN went further, reporting that Trump berated Makary over the Moderna decision and that the confrontation prompted FDA’s rapid reversal, also citing two people familiar with the matter (Fierce Biotech 2026).

FDA then granted Moderna a Type A meeting. One source described the meeting to Politico as giving FDA a public way to reverse course without simply conceding the original decision (BioSpace 2026a). Type A meetings normally occur within thirty days. This one occurred in half that time. FDA accepted the amended application on February 17. Moderna’s stock closed 6 percent higher.

At the same time, the White House was restructuring HHS leadership. On February 12 and 13, Medicare director Chris Klomp became chief counselor and effectively Chief Operating Officer, while two FDA deputy commissioners moved into senior HHS positions handling FDA matters (CNN 2026a). Jim O’Neill, the deputy secretary associated with the department’s vaccine-skeptical faction, was out that month.

The personnel changes continued. An investigation into Prasad’s professional conduct opened soon afterward amid media allegations that he berated staff and retaliated against reviewers who challenged his decisions (BioSpace 2026a). Makary announced on March 6 that Prasad would leave; his final day was April 30. Makary himself departed May 12. Three days later, FDA removed Tracy Beth Hoeg, then head of its drug review center. By the time FDA licensed mFLUSIVA on August 5, the agency had no confirmed commissioner. Trump nominated Heidi Overton on August 18. Her Senate confirmation hearing has not yet been scheduled, and it appears that, due to her anti- abortion stance, confirmation is not guaranteed.

There is an alternative explanation for Prasad’s departure, and the record requires that it be included. Makary later offered a benign explanation for Prasad’s departure. He told the Wall Street Journal that Prasad had always intended to serve only for the duration of a one-year leave from UCSF. But that arrangement had never been publicly disclosed when Prasad was appointed, nor during his earlier departure and return to FDA. It became public only when Makary announced that Prasad was leaving. Prasad declined to comment. His final weeks were also dominated by disputes over rare-disease drugs, not Moderna. His departure was announced the day after HHS publicly attacked an experimental Huntington’s treatment, and the Moderna dispute was by then five weeks old. 

None of that changes the sequence: FDA refused Moderna’s application, Moderna publicly demanded White House intervention, the White House intervened, FDA reversed itself without receiving the evidence it had demanded, and within three months both the official, Dr. Vinny Prasad, who signed the refusal, and the FDA commissioner, Dr. Makary, were gone.

One piece of history bears on how much weight to give Makary’s explanation. This was Prasad’s second departure. He had been forced out in July 2025 during the Sarepta Elevidys dispute, and Politico reported that Trump personally directed his removal over the objections of both Makary and Kennedy. Makary then fought to bring him back, and Prasad returned within weeks.

That history does not establish why Prasad left in April 2026. It establishes something more insidious: this White House had already intervened directly in FDA personnel decisions against the wishes of both the FDA Commissioner and the HHS Secretary. Seven weeks before Prasad’s final day, Trump intervened again, this time after Prasad personally refused Moderna’s application.

The personnel decisions repeatedly led back to the White House. Politico reported that Prasad’s 2025 return was arranged by White House chief of staff Susie Wiles after Makary and Kennedy argued that he was important to the Trump coalition. During the February 2026 HHS restructuring, reporting described the operating divisions as answering through Chris Klomp and said Wiles had encouraged him to take the role as a stabilizing force. When Trump nominated Heidi Overton to lead FDA in August, CNN reported that her close relationship with Wiles had helped her candidacy (CNN 2026b).

These decisions do not point to a pro-Moderna motive. Wiles helped restore the same official who later refused Moderna’s application. What they show instead is where consequential FDA personnel decisions were made: at the White House, not independently within either the FDA or HHS.

There is also a possible political motive. Reuters reported in May that White House officials had urged Kennedy to move away from controversial vaccine actions before the midterms and toward issues such as food quality and chronic disease. In fact, I can personally verify this, as Stephanie Spear told me this was the case.

Kennedy later denied under oath that Wiles or anyone else at the White House had instructed him to stop discussing vaccine skepticism. No reporting places Wiles in the February Moderna reversal, and the reported Oval Office confrontation was between Trump and Makary. The evidence supports a pattern of White House control over personnel; it does not establish that Wiles directed this decision.

The record establishes that Moderna publicly requested White House intervention, Trump confronted the FDA Commissioner, and Prasad’s refusal was reversed within days, without Moderna producing any new data or evidence the refusal had demanded. A source close to the process described the subsequent FDA meeting with Moderna as providing a way for the agency to reverse course without publicly conceding defeat. Within three months, both Prasad and Makary were gone.

Moderna also had a serious argument on the merits, and Kaslow’s memo strengthens it. The company pointed out that neither 21 CFR 314.126 nor FDA’s seasonal influenza vaccine guidance requires comparison against the best available standard of care. More importantly, CBER had considered the issue before the trial began. 

During an April 2024 consultation, FDA told Moderna in writing that a standard-dose comparator was acceptable, while recommending, but not requiring, an enhanced comparator for participants 65 and older (CIDRAP 2026). FDA’s own vaccine-review office therefore believed Prasad’s refusal was wrong.

That 2024 exchange is the central regulatory dispute. Before Moderna began its Phase 3 trial, FDA saw the comparator problem: Moderna planned to use a standard-dose flu vaccine as the control rather than one of the enhanced vaccines preferentially recommended for people 65 and older. The agency recommended that participants 65 and older be compared with one of the enhanced flu vaccines preferentially recommended for seniors, but it stopped short of requiring that design and told Moderna that using a standard-dose vaccine was acceptable. Moderna proceeded on that basis and enrolled 40,805 people. Two years later, Prasad made the comparison that the FDA had recommended but not required as a condition for even accepting the application for review. Moderna therefore had legitimate grounds to object that the FDA had changed the rules after the trial was finished.

FDA, however, had significant grounds for concern as well. Its briefing document cites ICH E10, the international guidance on selecting clinical trial control groups, which states that the comparator should reflect relevant standards of care. For Americans 65 and older, FDA argued, that meant the enhanced vaccines preferentially recommended for them. Whether a twenty-six-year-old international guidance document provided adequate notice when FDA’s own influenza guidance did not expressly require that comparison is a legitimate regulatory dispute.

If you grant that Prasad had overreached, that Kaslow was right, and that FDA changed the standard after the trial had already been run, the evidentiary problem still does not disappear. Moderna still did not test whether mFLUSIVA prevents influenza better than the enhanced vaccines elderly Americans actually receive. The White House intervention resolved the question of whether the FDA would accept the application without that evidence. But the phase III clinical trial was still flawed; it could not supply the evidence itself.

What followed was not an orderly succession. Prasad’s deputy, Katherine Szarama, became acting CBER director on May 1 and lasted less than three weeks. Karim Mikhail then took over, also in an acting capacity. Mikhail had spent more than two decades at Merck and later served as chief executive of the pharmaceutical company Amarin before joining the FDA as a senior adviser. He became CBER’s fourth acting director and its sixth leader since January 2025 (BioSpace 2026b).

The advisory committee met June 18. FDA licensed mFLUSIVA on August 5. Through both decisions, the FDA center responsible for every vaccine licensed in the United States was being run by an acting director with decades in the pharmaceutical industry, beneath a Commissioner’s office that no longer had a Commissioner.

David Kaslow signed the approval letter.

There is nothing improper about that by itself. The director of the Office of Vaccines Research and Review routinely signs vaccine approval letters, and Kaslow had argued from the beginning that Moderna’s application should be reviewed. But the asymmetry is difficult to miss. The refusal bypassed Kaslow. The approval carries his signature. By August, Prasad, who personally signed the refusal, was gone. Makary, who publicly defended it, was gone. Jim O’Neill, aligned with their approach to vaccines, was gone. Kaslow, whose office opposed the refusal of the application, remained and signed the license.

The history of Kaslow’s office makes that sequence more significant. He took over the Office of Vaccines Research and Review in October 2022. The office had previously been led by Marion Gruber, with Philip Krause as her deputy, until both departed FDA in 2021 amid an extraordinary internal dispute over COVID boosters. Gruber and Krause subsequently argued publicly that the available evidence did not justify boosters for the general vaccinated population, while FDA leadership moved toward broader authorization. 

Whatever one concludes about that dispute, two of FDA’s most senior career vaccine scientists left the agency after finding themselves on the losing side of one of the most consequential vaccine decisions of the pandemic.

Kaslow came from vaccine development himself. He founded NIH’s Malaria Vaccine Development Unit and led its work from 1986 to 1999, later directing malaria and broader vaccine programs at PATH. But his career also includes the genetic-vaccine industry. From 2001 to 2006, he was Chief Scientific Officer of Vical, the San Diego biotechnology company that developed DNA vaccines, and later headed vaccine research and technology at Merck Research Laboratories. His FDA biography specifically notes his work applying gene-therapy technologies to vaccines.

None of that establishes improper motive. But regulatory independence is not demonstrated by refusing to discuss professional relationships simply because they do not prove corruption. Readers evaluating an mRNA vaccine approved partly on laboratory immunogenicity data are entitled to know that the FDA vaccine office deciding the case is headed by a scientist with decades in vaccine development, including senior positions at companies developing genetic vaccine technologies. In virtually every other regulated setting, that background would be disclosed as relevant context, not dismissed as irrelevant because it does not prove misconduct.

In my own case, that disclosure cuts both ways. Vical grew directly out of the same early work on nucleic-acid delivery to which I contributed in the late 1980s. I have a history with this technology as well. The difference is that I disclose mine, and I am not sitting inside FDA leadership making regulatory decisions about these products.

A Standard Announced, and an Exemption That Does Not Fit

On May 1, 2025, the Department of Health and Human Services told the Washington Post that, under Secretary Kennedy, all new vaccines would undergo placebo-controlled safety testing before licensure. HHS called it a “radical departure” from previous practice (HHS 2025).

A placebo-controlled trial compares the vaccine with an inert injection, usually saline. An active-controlled trial compares it with another vaccine. The distinction determines what can be measured. Against saline, the adverse-event rate attributable to the vaccine can emerge against a relatively clean baseline. Against another vaccine, the trial measures only the difference between two products. If both produce the same adverse event at elevated rates, the comparison can obscure it.

HHS never issued the policy as a regulation or formal guidance. It announced it to reporters and immediately carved out an exemption. The department declined to specify exactly which vaccines the new requirement covered, but told the Post that influenza vaccines were excluded because they had been “tried and tested for more than 80 years.”

That exemption does not fit mFLUSIVA.

The 80-year safety record belongs to conventional influenza vaccines. mFLUSIVA is the first licensed influenza vaccine built on an mRNA-lipid nanoparticle platform. The influenza antigen is familiar; the technology used to deliver the genetic instructions for producing it is not. HHS defined the exemption by the disease being vaccinated against rather than by the technology of the vaccine itself. It therefore extended the safety history of conventional flu vaccines to a platform never before licensed for influenza.

Moderna did use saline once, in its small first-in-human study, to evaluate safety and immune response. It never tested mFLUSIVA’s clinical efficacy against saline. Not once. Every efficacy trial compared mFLUSIVA with another influenza vaccine, and the early saline-controlled safety study was never repeated at Phase 3 scale.

That distinction matters because Kennedy’s announced policy was supposed to answer precisely the safety question an active comparator cannot fully answer: what does a new vaccine add compared with an inert control?For mFLUSIVA, FDA never obtained that answer at scale.

Kennedy promised placebo-controlled testing for new vaccines. His department then treated the first mRNA influenza vaccine as though it were not new, because influenza vaccines themselves are old. FDA licensed a novel vaccine platform under the inherited safety reputation of products built with different technology.

The Panel Recognized the Dangers and Voted Nine to Zero to Endorse

The FDA advisory committee (VRBPAC) met on June 18, 2026. It voted 9 to 0 that benefits outweigh risks in adults 50 to 64. It then voted 9 to 0 again for adults 65 and older, for which the supporting evidence was antibody levels rather than prevention of illness. The 800,000-person follow-up study was sized to fill evidentiary gaps the panelists themselves had identified (BioPharm International 2026).

This political hypocrisy cannot be ignored. Kennedy fired every member of CDC’s ACIP, declaring that the inherited vaccine committee had become a “rubber stamp” and that wholesale replacement was necessary to restore public trust. But the FDA committee sitting at the actual vaccine-licensure gate, VRBPAC, was not similarly replaced. 

Most of the standing VRBPAC members participating in the mFLUSIVA meeting had been appointed during the Biden administration, with others inherited from even earlier administrations

Trump and Kennedy cannot have it both ways. If Biden-era vaccine advisers were sufficiently compromised that ACIP required a clean sweep, why was the committee advising FDA on whether to license the first mRNA influenza vaccine left largely intact? They purged the committee that recommends vaccines after FDA approves them, while leaving the inherited committee, a committee with strong industry ties, that helps decide whether FDA approves them in the first place

The panelists themselves identified serious gaps in the evidence, discussed them openly, and then not one member voted against licensing a product with major issues. Two questions resting on entirely different grades of evidence produced identical unanimous votes.

A committee that returns the same verdict, whether the applicant brings evidence of prevented hospitalizations or a blood test, is not weighing evidence. It is ratifying a political outcome.

That vote was the last moment when anyone outside the agency could have insisted on a trial before the license. Nine people declined to do so, with no dissent recorded.

What the Big Trial Showed

The pivotal study, FLUENT, enrolled 40,805 adults aged 50 and older at 301 sites across 11 countries during the 2024–2025 Northern Hemisphere flu season (Moderna 2026b). Half received mFLUSIVA and half received a licensed standard-dose influenza vaccine. Participants were followed for a median of about six months.

Laboratory-confirmed influenza occurred in 2.0 percent of mFLUSIVA recipients and 2.8 percent of comparison recipients. Moderna reports that difference as 26.6 percent relative vaccine efficacy, and the trial cleared its prespecified statistical threshold (Roels et al. 2025).

The 26.6 percent figure is easy to misunderstand and makes the vaccine’s benefit appear substantially larger than it actually was.

In actual numbers, 411 of 20,179 mFLUSIVA recipients developed confirmed influenza, compared with 557 of 20,124 people receiving the standard vaccine. That is 146 fewer cases among roughly 20,000 people, an absolute risk reduction of 0.73 percentage points. Relative to the comparison group, the same difference is 26.6 percent. 

Put another way, roughly 137 people had to receive mFLUSIVA instead of the standard vaccine to prevent one additional case of influenza.

And that comparison matters. This was not efficacy against placebo. Both groups were vaccinated. The trial therefore tells us how much better mFLUSIVA performed than one standard-dose influenza vaccine, not how much influenza mFLUSIVA prevents compared with receiving no influenza vaccine at all. Moderna never ran that efficacy trial against saline. A reader who sees “26.6 percent relative vaccine efficacy” and hears “26.6 percent effective” is hearing something the trial did not establish.

The modest reduction in influenza also came with substantially more adverse reactions. Injection-site pain occurred in 65.8 percent of mFLUSIVA recipients compared with 29.8 percent of controls. Fatigue occurred in 45.1 percent versus 20.3 percent, headache in 37.8 percent versus 18.0 percent, and muscle pain in 35.4 percent versus 11.6 percent. Most reactions were mild or moderate and resolved within days. Reactions rated severe, meaning severe enough to prevent normal daily activity, occurred in 5.5 percent versus 0.9 percentSevere reactions at 5.5 percent are not insignificant!

That tradeoff deserves some perspective. For roughly every 137 people switched from the standard vaccine to mFLUSIVA, the trial prevented one additional case of influenza. Over the same number vaccinated, roughly six additional people would be expected to experience a reaction severe enough to prevent normal daily activity. Those outcomes are not equivalent: influenza generally lasts longer than most of these common adverse events, and can become serious. But the comparison matters when describing the size of the benefit against the additional burden imposed by the vaccine.

The trial did produce one favorable result involving more serious influenza. As an exploratory endpoint, influenza requiring hospitalization, emergency-room care, or urgent care occurred in 22 mFLUSIVA recipients and 42 comparison recipients, a relative efficacy of 47.9 percent (95% CI, 12.8 to 68.9). The nominal confidence interval excludes zero, but this was an exploratory endpoint, not a trial designed or statistically powered to establish protection against serious influenza.

Only 64 events occurred among more than 40,000 participants, and the comparison was again with a standard-dose vaccine rather than the enhanced vaccines preferentially recommended for seniors. So, for the most vulnerable cohort, the experiment did not use the correct control.

Against that same standard-dose comparator, efficacy appeared similar across age groups: 26.1 percent for adults 50 through 64, 28.0 percent for those 65 through 74, and 25.3 percent for those 75 and older. But the oldest group produced the least certain result. Its confidence interval ranged from 10.4 percent worse to 49.5 percent better, crossing zero, because only 103 cases occurred among 4,564 participants. The people at greatest risk of dying from influenza are therefore the people for whom the trial provides the least certain efficacy estimate.

The safety database contains additional events. No myocarditis or pericarditis occurred during the 42-day window in which vaccine-associated heart inflammation would be most expected. Beyond that window, across the pooled database, there were 10 cases among mFLUSIVA recipients and 7 among comparators, with an adjudication committee confirming 4 and 3, respectively. One case of Guillain-Barré syndrome occurred in an mFLUSIVA recipient on Day 134, compared with none in the comparison group.

There is another limitation. The trial population was healthier than the population that will actually receive the vaccine. Immunocompromised participants and the very frail were excluded. Fifty-seven percent of participants had a condition that placed them at high risk for influenza, compared with an estimated 78 to 93 percent of Americans in the corresponding age groups. 

Among enrolled high-risk participants, relative efficacy was 22.3 percent, compared with 32.1 percent among those without those conditions. FDA itself notes that efficacy measured in this healthier trial population may overstate the benefit in the broader population.

Five years of dose reduction and reformulation substantially reduced the adverse-reaction rates Moderna reported in its first human study. They did not eliminate the substantially higher rate of adverse reactions with mFLUSIVA compared with a conventional flu vaccine.

For Seniors, FDA Approved Antibodies, Not Outcomes

For adults 65 and older, FDA relied on a separate study of 3,003 Americans at 96 sites comparing mFLUSIVA with Fluzone High-Dose, one of the enhanced vaccines preferentially recommended for seniors. The study did not measure influenza illness. It measured antibodies in blood. By that measure, mFLUSIVA performed extremely well, meeting both noninferiority and superiority criteria for antibody titers and seroconversion rates across all four strains.

FDA then identified a problem with the measurement itself. The antibody assays used exclusively cell-derived viruses matched to the strains encoded by mFLUSIVA. Fluzone High-Dose is produced in eggs, where egg-adapted mutations can alter the viral antigens. FDA warned that the assay choice “may underestimate the comparative immunogenicity of egg-based vaccines,” potentially biasing the comparison in favor of mFLUSIVA, and said its evaluation of the effect was still ongoing (FDA 2026a). The surrogate endpoint supporting the entire senior indication therefore came from an assay FDA itself acknowledged might systematically favor the vaccine being approved.

That assay question is the principal manufacturing-related issue visible in the public clinical record. Residual DNA template, which has drawn scrutiny elsewhere across the mRNA platform, is not discussed in the clinical review, while the detailed chemistry and manufacturing review and product-release specifications are not public. The available record therefore does not answer that question one way or the other.

Actual clinical benefit was deferred to a postmarketing study of as many as 800,000 adults across two influenza seasons.

The comparison FDA did not have matters, because CDC does not consider influenza vaccines interchangeable for seniors. Its Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices preferentially recommends that people 65 and older receive one of three enhanced vaccines rather than a standard-dose vaccine. CDC’s preliminary real-world estimates for the 2025–2026 season put effectiveness in that age group at 39 percent for the recombinant vaccine, 22 percent for adjuvanted and high-dose vaccines, and 16 percent for the standard dose. Those observational seasonal estimates cannot be directly compared with Moderna’s randomized-trial results. They demonstrate why comparing mFLUSIVA with the vaccine seniors actually receive matters.

Fluzone High-Dose had already cleared a substantially different evidentiary bar. In a randomized trial of 31,989 adults aged 65 and older, it prevented 24.2 percent more laboratory-confirmed influenza than standard-dose vaccine (DiazGranados et al. 2014). That was an actual clinical outcome, measured directly in the population for whom the vaccine was intended. Fluzone High-Dose demonstrated superior protection against influenza before receiving its indication. mFLUSIVA demonstrated superior antibody responses and was allowed to determine the clinical comparison after licensure.

Moderna has published an indirect comparison with enhanced vaccines in adults 65 and older. The estimated relative efficacy was 12.82 percent in mFLUSIVA’s favor, but the confidence interval ranged from 36.91 percent worse to 44.49 percent betterIt crossed zero by a wide margin and could not establish which vaccine performed better. No randomized direct comparison of clinical influenza outcomes exists.

Even the study intended to provide that answer was unfinished at the regulatory stage. At the advisory committee meeting, FDA described the Phase 4 protocol and timeline as still under review and subject to ongoing discussions with Moderna. We have seen this sequence before.

Pregnant women were excluded from the pivotal COVID mRNA vaccine trials, while Fauci’s January 2021 texts show officials privately discussing the lack of pregnancy data and a theoretical concern about first-trimester miscarriage. The missing evidence was supposed to come later. Pfizer’s postmarketing pregnancy trial enrolled only 683 women and vaccinated them at 24 to 34 weeks, making it incapable of answering the first-trimester question. Moderna’s pregnancy registry enrolled only about 20 women before it was terminated. The reassuring miscarriage evidence that eventually emerged came largely from observational surveillance, not from the prospective studies that were supposed to fill the original evidence gap. That is the problem with “approve now, answer later”: later does not guarantee that the promised experiment will ever answer the question. mFLUSIVA now rests on the same promise.

Meanwhile, Moderna’s pharmacovigilance plan, dated January 28, 2026, identified no important identified risks, no important potential risks, and no missing information requiring measures beyond routine surveillance.

FDA therefore licensed mFLUSIVA for the population most likely to suffer serious consequences from influenza without direct evidence that it prevents more influenza than the enhanced vaccines already recommended for them. That experiment begins after approval, with no guarantee the experiments that answer the question will be concluded.

The Standard That Was Never Applied

A surrogate endpoint matters only to the extent that it predicts the clinical outcome it replaces. For influenza, FDA has never established a formal correlate of protection.

FDA’s 2007 guidance on seasonal influenza vaccines acknowledges the problem. Human challenge studies suggested that HAI (hemagglutination inhibition) antibody titers somewhere between 1:15 and 1:65 were associated with protection in roughly half of subjects, with higher titers generally associated with greater protection. Those estimates trace largely to small challenge studies conducted decades ago. They establish an association, not a validated threshold guaranteeing protection. FDA’s briefing document says the same thing about mFLUSIVA: no formal correlate of protection has been established (FDA 2026a).

What FDA does have is a set of absolute immunogenicity thresholds, generally known as the CBER criteria, published in its 2007 guidance. For adults 65 and older, the lower bound of the confidence interval for seroconversion should be at least 30 percent, and the lower bound for the proportion achieving an HAI titer of at least 1:40 should be at least 60 percent. These are not validated correlates of protection, but they are the closest thing FDA guidance provides to an absolute antibody standard for licensing an influenza vaccine on immunogenicity.

Moderna was not evaluated against those criteria.

The primary endpoints in the elderly study were comparative: the ratio of antibody titers and the difference in seroconversion rates between mFLUSIVA and Fluzone High-Dose. Success meant performing at least as well as, and ultimately better than, the comparator. Seroprotection, the proportion reaching the historically important 1:40 HAI titer, appears only as a descriptive secondary endpoint in the briefing document. FDA reports it as higher with mFLUSIVA but does not print the absolute rates there or test them against the 2007 criterion.

Apply the other CBER criterion to Moderna’s published seroconversion data and a problem appears. Among adults 65 and older, the lower confidence bounds were 47.1 percent for A/H1N1, 53.8 for A/H3N2, 27.5 for B/Victoria, and 23.8 for B/Yamagata. The licensed vaccine is trivalent, so B/Yamagata is irrelevant. B/Victoria is not. Its 27.5 percent lower bound falls below FDA’s 30 percent criterion.

Fluzone High-Dose performed still worse against that strain, which exposes the difference between the two standards. On the relative endpoint FDA chose, mFLUSIVA wins. Against the absolute criterion FDA historically published for elderly adults, one of its three licensed strains falls short.

The 2007 guidance expressly covers inactivated vaccines, recombinant hemagglutinin vaccines, and DNA vaccines encoding hemagglutinin; it does not mention mRNA vaccines. Moderna could argue that the DNA-vaccine provision extends by analogy to mRNA, since both genetic platforms instruct cells to produce the influenza hemagglutinin antigen. genetic platform encoding the same antigen. 

FDA argued that those absolute CBER criteria did not apply, because its 2007 guidance also permits accelerated approval based on comparative immunogenicity against a licensed flu vaccine. That is the route FDA used. But the choice matters: under the comparative standard, mFLUSIVA passed because it outperformed Fluzone High-Dose. Under FDA’s absolute antibody benchmark, B/Victoria would not have passed. The regulatory pathway therefore determined which result counted.

The 2007 guidance also describes accelerated approval of seasonal influenza vaccines in a revealing context: vaccine shortage. FDA reasoned that during a shortage, a new vaccine could provide meaningful benefit because some people would otherwise receive no vaccine at all. 

That rationale does not describe the senior influenza market in 2026. Enhanced vaccines already exist and are preferentially recommended for Americans 65 and older. The problem was not the absence of an influenza vaccine for seniors. It was whether mFLUSIVA offered a meaningful advantage over the vaccines already available to them.

Then there is what FDA knew when its outside advisers voted. Moderna conducted a case-cohort analysis to determine whether the antibody responses elicited by mFLUSIVA were associated with protection against laboratory-confirmed influenza. FDA’s June 18 briefing document describes that work, says it remained under review, and twice declares it outside the scope of the committee briefing. Nine outside experts therefore voted unanimously that the antibody evidence supported licensing mFLUSIVA for seniors without seeing FDA’s completed analysis of whether those antibodies actually predicted protection from illness. The committee was asked to endorse the surrogate before FDA finished evaluating whether it worked.

The result appears in FDA’s August clinical review. Higher HAI titers were significantly associated with lower risk of confirmed influenza for A/H1N1 and A/H3N2. For B/Victoria, they were not. Too few cases accumulated to establish a statistically significant relationship, and CBER’s statistical reviewers specifically flagged the result as a concern (FDA 2026c). The FDA analysis failed to demonstrate that the surrogate FDA relied upon predicted clinical protection against that strain.

And B/Victoria is where three separate weaknesses converge. Clinical efficacy against the strain produced a confidence interval ranging from 18.5 percent worse to 57.5 percent better. The antibody-versus-illness analysis was inconclusive. And the lower confidence bound for seroconversion was 27.5 percent, below the 30 percent criterion in FDA’s 2007 guidance. The same strain fails to provide a clear answer three different ways. FDA licensed the vaccine anyway and moved strain-specific clinical efficacy into the postmarketing study.

Antibodies are useful evidence. They are not influenza cases prevented. They are not hospitalizations prevented. And they are not deaths prevented.

Twenty-Nine Deaths and No Autopsies

FDA pooled safety data from four late-stage studies covering roughly 72,000 participants aged 50 and older. Serious adverse events within 28 days were 0.5 percent in both groups, and across full follow-up, 3.1 percent after mFLUSIVA and 2.9 percent after comparison vaccines. Overall mortality was 102 deaths after mFLUSIVA and 97 after the comparators.

Inside those totals was a finding FDA could not explain.

Clinical trials classify medical events using standardized codes so results can be compared across studies. One of those codes is death with the cause unspecified. It appeared 23 times among mFLUSIVA recipients and nine times among comparison recipientsAdd the related categories of sudden death and sudden cardiac death, and the imbalance becomes 29 against 12 (FDA 2026a).

FDA compared serious-event rates between the groups and identified six categories in which the confidence interval for the risk difference excluded zero. Unexplained death was one of them, along with urinary tract infection, 25 against 12, and anemia, nine against two. This deserves an important qualification: dozens of adverse-event categories were examined, and when enough comparisons are made, some will cross a conventional statistical threshold by chance. That makes the finding a signal requiring explanation, not proof of causation.

But FDA did not obtain the evidence needed to explain it.

The contrast with the efficacy analysis is striking. Benefit was presented almost entirely on a relative scale: a 0.73-percentage-point reduction in influenza became 26.6 percent relative vaccine efficacy. For these safety findings, FDA used absolute risk differences. The type of presentation matters: the scale that makes a small benefit look large was emphasized for efficacy, while the scale that makes an imbalance look small was used for harm.

FDA wrote that interpretation of the mortality imbalance was limited by the absence of autopsy data. Then came the critical fact: no autopsies were performed on the mFLUSIVA deaths. Causes were recorded predominantly as unknown or natural causes (FDA 2026a).

Let this sink in: twenty-three participants receiving mFLUSIVA died without a specified cause, significantly more than in the comparison group. FDA itself identified the absence of autopsies as limiting its ability to determine causation. Yet autopsies were not required in the protocol, when the imbalance appeared, or before licensure. The agency identified the evidence it lacked, knew this was a major weakness in the data, and then approved the vaccine without obtaining any answers.

FDA nevertheless concluded that the imbalance was unlikely to be vaccine-related. There are legitimate reasons for that judgment. Overall mortality was nearly equal between groups. The median death occurred about 131 days after mFLUSIVA vaccination compared with 87 days among comparators. Within 28 days, deaths in these categories numbered only three, compared with two. About 60 percent of those who died were 65 or older, and nearly all had substantial underlying disease, including hypertension, diabetes, kidney disease, coronary artery disease and heart failure.

Those facts raise questions about causation. They do not determine the cause of the unexplained deaths.

One case illustrates the distinction. A 76-year-old woman with coronary bypass surgery, atrial fibrillation and type 2 diabetes died two days after vaccination. The investigator at her trial site considered the death vaccine-related because of its timing. FDA considered her underlying cardiovascular disease the more plausible explanation, while acknowledging that a contribution from a vaccine-related inflammatory response could not be fully excluded. No autopsy was performed to resolve the disagreement. So despite the investigator labeling it as vaccine-related, the FDA did not. 

This establishes that the FDA found a statistically significant imbalance in deaths without assigned causes and approved the vaccine without obtaining the evidence it said was necessary to interpret that imbalance. Mortality will now be monitored after licensure… Sound familiar?

And saying that many of those who died were old and chronically ill does not dispose of the problem. The people for whom FDA granted accelerated approval are old and disproportionately chronically ill. That is not a confounder outside the intended population. It is the population that will receive the vaccine. In what world does this make sense?

If the absence of autopsies made the imbalance impossible to interpret, that same absence cannot logically resolve it as unrelated. FDA did not establish that the vaccine caused these deaths, but the counterfactual is also true. It also chose not to obtain the evidence that might have established why they occurred. 

The Arithmetic FDA Never Required

Vaccines are given to healthy people. Influenza infects only a fraction of the population in any season, while vaccination exposes every recipient to whatever risks the product carries. Only some of those people would otherwise become infected, fewer would be hospitalized, and fewer still would die. Vaccination can produce an enormous net benefit against that arithmetic, particularly in the elderly. The regulator’s job is to demonstrate that benefit against the harms introduced by the product.

Scale the FLUENT results to one million recipients switching from the conventional standard-dose vaccine to mFLUSIVA. The trial rates imply roughly 248,000 additional episodes of fatigue, 198,000 additional headaches, 238,000 additional episodes of muscle pain, and 46,000 additional reactions severe enough to prevent normal daily activity. Those categories overlap and cannot be added together as separate people.

Against that, the same million switches would prevent roughly 8,000 additional cases of laboratory-confirmed influenza, based on the efficacy observed during that season.

That comparison alone does not determine whether the trade is worthwhile. A sore arm is not pneumonia. Two days of fatigue are not an ICU admission. The outcomes capable of overwhelming the additional reactogenicity are precisely the outcomes influenza vaccination matters most for in seniors: severe disease, hospitalization, and death. And against the enhanced vaccines seniors actually receive, FDA had no clinical evidence that mFLUSIVA prevents more of any of them.

The unanswered calculation is therefore simple. How many seniors must switch from a high-dose, recombinant, or adjuvanted vaccine to mFLUSIVA to prevent one hospitalization? One ICU admission? One death? And for each serious outcome prevented, how many additional severe vaccine reactions occur? FDA could not calculate those numbers when it licensed the vaccine. The postmarketing study of up to 800,000 seniors is supposed to provide them afterward.

The standard-dose trial does allow one version of the calculation. The number needed to vaccinate tells us how many people must switch vaccines to prevent one additional case of influenza. The number needed to harm tells us how many must switch before one additional adverse reaction occurs. In FLUENT, about 137 people had to switch to mFLUSIVA to prevent one laboratory-confirmed case of flu. Roughly 22 had to switch for one additional reaction severe enough to prevent normal daily activity, about four for one additional episode of fatigue, and about three for one additional sore arm.

That trade becomes much more compelling if the prevented influenza cases include serious disease. FLUENT offers one favorable but exploratory signal. Influenza requiring hospitalization, emergency-room care, or urgent care occurred in 22 mFLUSIVA recipients and 42 comparison recipients. On those raw rates, roughly 1,000 people would need to switch to prevent one such encounter. The nominal confidence interval favored mFLUSIVA, but only 64 events occurred, the endpoint was exploratory, and once again the comparator was the standard-dose vaccine rather than the enhanced products preferentially recommended for seniors.

For adults 65 and older, that distinction is everything. Their relevant alternative is Fluzone High-Dose, a recombinant vaccine, or an adjuvanted vaccine. Against those vaccines, mFLUSIVA has no randomized clinical-outcome comparison. Moderna’s indirect analysis estimated mFLUSIVA to be 12.82 percent better against medically attended influenza, but its confidence interval ranged from 36.91 percent worse to 44.49 percent better (Van de Velde et al. 2026). The authors describe that result as consistent with comparable effectiveness. It is also statistically compatible with mFLUSIVA being substantially worse or substantially better.

That uncertainty makes the clinically relevant number needed to vaccinate impossible to calculate. If mFLUSIVA is actually superior, some number of seniors must switch to prevent one additional case. If there is no difference, no additional cases are prevented. If the true effect lies on the other side of zero, switching vaccines causes more influenza rather than preventing it. FDA licensed mFLUSIVA for seniors without knowing which of those three possibilities is true.

The contrast with Fluzone High-Dose is difficult to ignore. In a randomized trial of 31,989 adults 65 and older, the high-dose vaccine prevented 24.2 percent more laboratory-confirmed influenza than standard dose(DiazGranados et al. 2014). That is a clinical endpoint measured directly in the target population. The incumbent demonstrated superior clinical protection. The new mRNA vaccine was licensed to compete with it without doing the same.

The harm side of the calculation is considerably less hypothetical. FDA’s pooled safety database contained 71,916 participants, divided almost evenly between mFLUSIVA and comparator vaccines. The coded categories encompassing unexplained death, sudden death, and sudden cardiac death occurred 29 times after mFLUSIVA and 12 times after comparators, an absolute difference on the order of one additional coded event per 2,000 recipients. That is a difference in coded events, not evidence that mFLUSIVA caused 17 additional deaths. FDA judged the imbalance unlikely to be causal, and no autopsies were available to test that judgment.

That distinction must be maintained. But so must the larger one: FDA had measurements for the additional reactions produced by mFLUSIVA. What it did not have for seniors was the corresponding clinical benefit against the vaccines they already receive. The harms were measured before licensure. The benefit that would justify accepting them was deferred until afterward.

Three physicians have now carried the benefit-harm calculation further. Peter McCullough, Nicolas Hulscher, and John Catanzaro published a reanalysis of FDA’s own briefing data on August 19, 2026 (McCullough, Hulscher, and Catanzaro 2026). Using hospitalization alone rather than the broader endpoint that also included emergency-room and urgent-care visits, they calculated that 5,017 people would have to receive mFLUSIVA instead of the standard vaccine to prevent one hospitalization. Across those same 5,017 people, the trial rates produce roughly 1,454 additional solicited adverse reactions and 233 additional Grade 3 systemic reactions. Their arithmetic follows from the FDA tables.

They add another term: approximately two excess unexplained deaths per 5,017 recipients. Here I part company with them. That calculation treats the 29-against-12 mortality imbalance as vaccine-caused. FDA judged causation unlikely; no autopsies exist to establish the cause either way; and an unexplained mortality signal cannot responsibly be converted into vaccine-caused deaths simply because the arithmetic permits it. The benefit and reactogenicity calculations stand without making that leap.

Their analysis does, however, expose a larger omission. Neither pivotal trial measured whether mFLUSIVA prevents anyone from dying of influenza. Mortality was not an efficacy endpoint anywhere in the development program. For seniors, preventing severe influenza, hospitalization, and death is the central reason vaccination matters. Yet the vaccine was never tested for the last and most consequential of those outcomes.

Put the two sides together. For adults 65 and older, the benefit side contains no measured clinical advantage over the enhanced vaccines they currently receive, an indirect estimate whose confidence interval extends from substantial benefit to substantial harm, and no influenza-mortality endpoint at all. The harm side contains substantially greater reactogenicity and an unresolved imbalance in deaths without assigned causes. FDA had considerably better measurements of what mFLUSIVA adds in adverse reactions than of what it adds in clinical protection for seniors.

Influenza makes that calculation harder still. Vaccine strains are selected months before each season, and circulating viruses continue to evolve. In a poorly matched year, effectiveness can fall sharply. The adverse-reaction rate does not fall with it. As effectiveness declines, more people must be vaccinated to prevent each case while every recipient remains exposed to the vaccine’s adverse effects.

Durability deserves the same scrutiny. Experience with the COVID mRNA vaccines shows why. CDC found that protection from the 2023–2024 COVID vaccines against hospitalization declined substantially over several months. That does not establish that mFLUSIVA will behave the same way. Its antibody levels declined while remaining above baseline through six months, and a comparison with FLUAD found broadly similar antibody decline through roughly a year. What remains unknown is the clinically important question: how long mFLUSIVA actually protects elderly recipients from influenza illness, hospitalization and death. Antibody persistence is not the same measurement as durable clinical protection.

Annual dosing raises another unanswered question. Several studies have associated repeated mRNA COVID vaccination with a shift toward spike-specific IgG4 antibodies after repeated exposure. IgG4 has different effector properties from subclasses such as IgG1, including less capacity to activate complement and engage some Fc-mediated immune functions. Irrgang and colleagues reported that the shift emerged months after the second dose and became more pronounced after the third. Whether repeated annual mFLUSIVA vaccination produces anything similar, and whether such a change would matter clinically, is unknown.

The development program could not answer that question. Both pivotal studies administered a single dose, and neither measured IgG subclasses. The immunogenicity endpoints were antibody titers, seroconversion rates and fold increases. None distinguishes an IgG1 response from an IgG4 response.

The confirmatory study finally introduces repeat exposure because it spans two influenza seasons and therefore two annual vaccinations. Its endpoints include relative effectiveness, strain-specific efficacy, and active surveillance for deaths, myocarditis and Guillain-Barré syndrome. But it still does not measure IgG subclasses. The first large study designed to give mFLUSIVA repeatedly is not designed to determine whether repeated dosing changes the character of the antibody response.

What Changed and What Did Not

Moderna answered one of my objections from 2021. At the time, the company presented immune-response graphs against a competitor without a statistical comparison, using axis scaling that made the mRNA product look more favorable. FLUENT is different. It is a properly powered randomized trial with a prespecified clinical endpoint and formal statistical testing. Moderna ran the efficacy trial that was missing in 2021, and it won against the standard-dose vaccine.

What Moderna did not resolve is the platform’s reactogenicity. After a 62 percent dose reduction and reformulation, mFLUSIVA still produced substantially more systemic reactions than the conventional comparator, often at two to three times the rate. The COVID spike protein is absent, but the excess reactogenicity remains. Whatever causes that difference, it cannot be attributed to spike alone.

The regulatory contrast is also difficult to ignore. During COVID, the FDA required vaccine candidates seeking emergency authorization to demonstrate at least 50 percent efficacy against disease, with the lower bound of the confidence interval exceeding 30 percent. CureVac’s first mRNA COVID vaccine reported approximately 47 percent efficacy in its European trial and never reached the U.S. market. That was a placebo-controlled trial, so the numbers cannot be compared directly with FLUENT’s active-controlled design. But five years later, FDA licensed an mRNA influenza vaccine for the age group bearing most influenza mortality without evidence that it prevents more severe disease, hospitalizations, or deaths than the enhanced vaccines already recommended for that population.

FDA knows that mFLUSIVA produces antibodies. It has evidence of clinical superiority to a standard-dose flu vaccine in adults 50 and older. What it did not have at licensure was evidence of clinical superiority to the vaccines seniors are actually preferentially given. That question was deferred to a postmarketing study of as many as 800,000 people.

The experiment that should establish the added clinical benefit for seniors begins after seniors can receive the vaccine.

Why This Was Expedited

Accelerated approval is not simply a faster way through FDA. It is a pathway reserved for products addressing serious conditions that provide a meaningful therapeutic benefit over existing treatments. The governing regulation, 21 CFR 601.40, gives examples: treating patients who cannot tolerate or do not respond to existing therapy, or producing an improved patient response over available treatment. Congress later directed FDA to consider the availability or absence of alternative treatments as well.

For Americans 65 and older, alternatives are not absent. Fluzone High-Dose, Fluad, and Flublok are licensed, widely available, and preferentially recommended. Fluzone High-Dose alone is supported by a randomized trial of 31,989 seniors demonstrating superior prevention of laboratory-confirmed influenza over standard-dose vaccine.

So what meaningful advantage did mFLUSIVA offer those patients?

FDA answered that question in writing under the heading “Meaningful Therapeutic Benefit Over Available Therapy.” The agency pointed to mRNA manufacturing: avoiding egg-adaptive mutations could improve antigenic fidelity, and faster production could shorten the time between selecting a strain and making vaccine available. Then FDA acknowledged the central problem: the clinical meaningfulness of those manufacturing differences over existing licensed vaccines remains to be fully characterized (FDA 2026c).

That sentence deserves attention. The regulation asks for meaningful benefit to patients. FDA identified potential manufacturing advantages and then acknowledged it did not yet know their clinical significance.

FDA did have another possible argument: mFLUSIVA produced stronger antibody responses than Fluzone High-Dose. But those antibodies were themselves the surrogate used to obtain accelerated approval. Their ability to predict the clinically important advantage is precisely what the postmarketing study is supposed to confirm. The surrogate cannot answer the question simply by restating itself.

FDA’s description of the unmet need clarifies the rationale. It does not say American seniors lack effective influenza vaccines. Instead, it identifies limitations of egg-based production, including mutations that can reduce antigenic match, and emphasizes the value of rapid strain reformulation for antigenic drift and, more importantly, antigenic shift.

The benefit-risk framework goes further, describing the persistent threat of pandemic influenza A arising from a major antigenic shift as creating an urgent unmet need for faster vaccine development and deployment.

That is a pandemic-preparedness argument for accelerating a seasonal influenza vaccine. It may be an important public-health objective. But it is not evidence that a 72-year-old receiving mFLUSIVA this fall will be better protected from influenza, hospitalization, or death than if that person received Fluzone High-Dose, Fluad, or Flublok.

A separate mechanism sped up the process. Moderna used a Priority Review Voucher, shortening FDA’s review timetable and setting an August 5 decision date. That timing was intended to make the vaccine available for the 2026–2027 influenza season. Priority Review explains why FDA moved quickly once it accepted the application. It does not explain why the senior indication qualified for accelerated approval in the first place.

The commercial stakes were substantial. Moderna’s COVID revenue had fallen sharply, and the company had not replaced it. February’s Refusal to File put pressure on its projected 2028 break-even target, and analysts began revising their models almost immediately (BioSpace 2026c). mFLUSIVA and Moderna’s COVID-flu combination vaccine were important pieces of its planned return to growth.

The strategic stakes were larger still. Moderna originally pursued the combination vaccine and withdrew its U.S. application after FDA requested additional influenza data. The standalone influenza program therefore became important to the combination product as well. Licensing mFLUSIVA provides clinical efficacy data relevant to that program and to Moderna’s H5 pandemic-influenza work with the Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations.

Here the policy becomes difficult to reconcile with itself. BARDA awarded Moderna $176 million in July 2024 and another $590 million in January 2025 for development of its mRNA-1018 pandemic-influenza vaccine. HHS terminated that funding in May 2025, and the administration’s subsequent wind-down of BARDA mRNA projects completed the withdrawal (Moderna 2025). Kennedy justified the broader decision by arguing that mRNA vaccines had failed to protect effectively against upper-respiratory infections such as COVID and influenza.

Fourteen months later, Kennedy’s department licensed the first mRNA influenza vaccine in the United States. The government withdrew support from Moderna’s mRNA pandemic-flu program while FDA subsequently approved the seasonal product that strengthens the same platform’s regulatory foundation.

The combination vaccine is already licensed in Europe as mCOMBRIAX. And supporters of mFLUSIVA have been unusually candid about the larger significance. Amesh Adalja told Healio that the approval demonstrates that mRNA can function as “plug-and-play” vaccine infrastructure beyond COVID and RSV, exactly the capability needed when another pandemic strain appears.

That may explain why this approval matters far beyond seasonal influenza. mFLUSIVA is not merely another flu shot. It establishes mRNA as a licensed influenza platform in the United States, strengthens the path for Moderna’s combination vaccine, and provides a regulatory foundation for future pandemic-flu products.

Seasonal influenza was the test case. The platform was the prize. And for seniors, the clinical evidence needed to determine whether the new product is actually better than the vaccines they already receive was deferred until after approval. They are the guinea pigs in this experiment.

Plug and play is a real engineering concept, and for vaccines its attraction is obvious. 

A validated platform remains largely fixed. Manufacturing processes, formulation, and quality controls carry over while the genetic sequence encoding the antigen changes. Against an emerging pathogen, that can be much faster than developing an entirely new vaccine. Influenza is an obvious application because strains must be selected months before anyone knows precisely what will circulate.

Margaret Liu was an early and influential advocate for gene-based vaccination (from her work at Merck leveraging a teaming agreement with Vical for influenza vaccine development) and later served on the World Health Organization drafting group developing international regulatory guidance for mRNA vaccines. The basic idea was sound: once the delivery and manufacturing platform is established, changing the genetic sequence can substantially accelerate the development of the next vaccine.

The problem begins when a manufacturing shortcut becomes an evidentiary shortcut: once FDA accepts a platform, data from one vaccine can reduce the testing required for the next. FDA was not merely discussing this shortcut. By 2021, CBER was already allowing data from one mRNA vaccine candidate to eliminate testing that otherwise would have been required for another.

In April 2021, WHO convened an international consultation on regulation of mRNA vaccines. I wrote about that meeting in 2022. One participant was Keith Peden of FDA’s own Center for Biologics Evaluation and Research. According to the published WHO account, FDA had already been discussing whether mRNA vaccines should be treated as a platform technology and what that would mean for a new vaccine expressing a different antigen while retaining the same lipid nanoparticle and manufacturing process. The questions were explicit: what testing would still be required, what preclinical studies could be dispensed with, and could development be streamlined? WHO participants likewise concluded that prior experience with the same platform could be leveraged to accelerate development against future pathogens.

Peden described one concrete example. CBER had not required new biodistribution studies when another vaccine using the same manufacturing process and lipid nanoparticle had already generated such data. In other words, FDA was already allowing evidence generated for one mRNA vaccine to carry forward into another.

That was 2021. Congress supplied the statutory machinery the following year.

Section 2503 of the PREVENT Pandemics Act, enacted in December 2022, added section 506K to the Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act and created the Platform Technology Designation Program. FDA’s subsequent guidance explains how data from an established platform can support development of later products. Nucleic-acid technologies are specifically contemplated. The purpose is straightforward: avoid repeating development work when the underlying platform has already been sufficiently characterized.

But the eligibility requirement matters. To qualify, the platform technology must already be incorporated into an approved drug or licensed biological product. The first approval therefore has value beyond the first product. It creates regulatory capital that can be carried into the next one.

For mRNA vaccines in the United States, that advantage currently belongs to two commercial groups: Moderna and Pfizer/BioNTech. A new competitor does not arrive with their accumulated regulatory history. The incumbents can point to manufacturing experience, platform characterization, clinical exposure, and prior FDA decisions when seeking efficiencies for subsequent products.

This is precisely the danger I raised in 2022. If FDA permits the original mRNA data package to become the foundation for subsequent vaccines, weaknesses in that original package do not remain confined to the COVID vaccines. They become inherited assumptions of the platform. A study not repeated becomes evidence deemed unnecessary to repeat. An uncertainty accepted once can become an uncertainty no longer investigated.

That reframes the significance of mFLUSIVA. This was not merely another Moderna product or another source of revenue. It establishes mRNA inside a second major vaccine category and adds influenza-specific clinical and manufacturing experience to Moderna’s regulatory platform. That experience can matter when the company returns with a COVID-flu combination vaccine, an H5 pandemic vaccine, or another product built on substantially the same machinery.

This does not require a conspiracy or improper intent. It requires only the incentives Congress and FDA have already created. Platform regulation rewards accumulated regulatory history, and accumulated regulatory history belongs disproportionately to the companies that got there first. The shortcut compounds: approval makes the next approval easier, and each approval makes the platform harder for a newcomer to challenge.

That is why the unanswered questions surrounding mFLUSIVA matter beyond one flu season. If evidence from this vaccine becomes part of the evidentiary foundation for the next mRNA vaccine, FDA is not merely deciding what evidence is sufficient for mFLUSIVA. It is deciding what may no longer have to be proved again.

The Pattern

FDA refused Moderna’s application because the company had not compared mFLUSIVA with the vaccines preferentially given to elderly Americans. It then licensed mFLUSIVA for elderly Americans without that comparison. HHS announced that new vaccines would undergo placebo-controlled safety testing before licensure, then exempted influenza vaccines using an 80-year safety history that does not belong to the first mRNA influenza vaccine. FDA found a statistically significant imbalance in deaths without assigned causes, said the absence of autopsies prevented definitive interpretation, obtained no autopsies, and nevertheless judged the imbalance unlikely to be vaccine-related. Its outside advisers identified important gaps in the evidence and then voted 9–0 for approval. Twice.

Every decision has an individual defense. Accelerated approval is lawful. FDA had previously told Moderna that a standard-dose comparator was acceptable. The placebo policy was never issued as a binding rule. Overall mortality was nearly balanced. Multiple statistical comparisons can produce chance findings. Advisory committees are supposed to weigh the entire benefit-risk record rather than vote on individual uncertainties.

The pattern is what the individual defenses cannot address. At every point where the agency could have required evidence to settle a question about the safety of this new vaccine in elderly Americans, it chose the option that pushed the answer that allowed for licensure. This was a pattern over and over again.

Regulatory capture in the familiar sense does not describe this. Industry did not persuade a settled agency to lower a standard. At nearly every point where the FDA could have required evidence to resolve an important question for seniors before licensure, it deferred the answer. Clinical effectiveness against the vaccines seniors actually receive: after approval. Strain-specific efficacy: after approval. The clinical significance of the manufacturing advantages used to justify expedited treatment: after approval. The unexplained mortality imbalance: surveillance after approval. Repeat dosing: after approval. The large trial intended to establish whether the vaccine actually provides greater clinical protection in seniors begins after the product is already available to them.

And this happened under an administration elected in part on a promise to end exactly this kind of vaccine regulation. Kennedy fired the entire CDC vaccine advisory committee because he said inherited advisers had become a “rubber stamp.” Yet FDA’s largely inherited vaccine advisory committee remained in place and unanimously endorsed the first mRNA influenza vaccine. HHS promised placebo-controlled testing for new vaccines, then allowed this one through an exemption written around conventional influenza vaccines. The administration terminated hundreds of millions of dollars in mRNA influenza research while arguing that the platform had failed against respiratory viruses, then licensed an mRNA influenza vaccine fourteen months later. These decisions were not inherited from the Biden administration. Trump and Kennedy own them.

The standard walked out with the officials who set it, and the people left in the chairs were acting appointees with no confirmed authority above them. Institutions with nobody accountable at the top revert to their defaults, and the default at CBER is to approve. One can judge for themselves whether regulatory capture was involved.

The FDA arranged its review so it wouldn’t have to answer questions it couldn’t answer favorably before the product reached the market. The agency documented every element of the missing critical data and stepped over each one.

Most Americans believe that FDA approval means the manufacturer has demonstrated a real health benefit before millions of people receive the product. For the group that suffers most of the deaths, that is not what happened here.

Regulatory science should not begin with the desired conclusion and spend the years after approval trying to confirm it. The experiment belongs before the license. After COVID, that should have been the floor. Under Trump and Kennedy, FDA has made it the ceiling.

RWM/JGM

This investigation required working through FDA reviews, briefing documents, trial data, regulatory guidance, company disclosures, and the reporting surrounding the agency’s reversal. And yes, a number of AI chatboxes were used to both find and confirm the data. That kind of work takes time, and it is supported by readers, not institutions.

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References

Associated Press. 2026. “Marty Makary Resigns as Trump’s FDA Chief.” May 12.

BioCentury. 2022. “PATH’s Kaslow to Succeed Marks as Head of Vaccines at FDA.” BioCentury, September 9.

BioPharm International. 2026. “FDA Advisory Panel Votes 9-0 in Favor of Moderna’s mRNA Flu Vaccine, Setting Stage for August Decision.” BioPharm International, July 2026.

BioSpace. 2026a. “Moderna’s Once-Rebuffed mRNA Flu Shot to Face Scrutiny from FDA Adcomm.” BioSpace, May 22. See also “Makary, Prasad Under Fire as FDA Turmoil Reaches President Trump,” BioSpace, February 2026.

BioSpace. 2026b. “Prasad Ally Szarama Exits CBER After 3 Weeks as FDA Cleanout Continues.” BioSpace, May 19.

BioSpace. 2026c. “FDA Reverses Course on Moderna’s mRNA Flu Shot Application, Promising August Decision.” BioSpace, February.

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. 2025. “Estimated Influenza Illnesses, Medical Visits, Hospitalizations, and Deaths in the United States, 2024-2025 Influenza Season.” Atlanta: CDC.

CIDRAP. 2026. “The FDA Refused to Review a Flu Vaccine, Contrary to Evidence. Now the Agency Reversed Itself.” Center for Infectious Disease Research and Policy op-ed, February 19.

CNN. 2026a. “White House Seeks to Tighten Control over HHS with Personnel Shakeup.” CNN Politics, February 12.

CNN. 2026b. “Trump Picks Dr. Heidi Overton to Lead FDA.” CNN, August 18.

Politico. 2025. “Wiles Intervened to Save RFK Jr.’s Top Vaccine Aide.” August.

Reuters. 2026. Reporting on White House guidance to health officials ahead of the midterm elections, May.

Department of Health and Human Services. 2025. Statement on placebo-controlled testing for new vaccines, provided to the Washington Post and CNN, May 1.

DiazGranados, Carlos A., Andrew J. Dunning, Murray Kimmel, Daniel Kirby, John Treanor, Avi Collins, Richard Pollak, et al. 2014. “Efficacy of High-Dose versus Standard-Dose Influenza Vaccine in Older Adults.” New England Journal of Medicine 371 (7): 635-45.

Code of Federal Regulations. Title 21, Section 601.40. Scope, Accelerated Approval of Biological Products for Serious or Life-Threatening Illnesses. See also 21 USC 356(c), as amended by the Food and Drug Administration Safety and Innovation Act of 2012.

Fierce Biotech. 2026. “White House Frustration May Have Fueled FDA’s Moderna Change.” February 20, reporting Politico and CNN accounts.

Food and Drug Administration. 2007. “Guidance for Industry: Clinical Data Needed to Support the Licensure of Seasonal Inactivated Influenza Vaccines.” Center for Biologics Evaluation and Research, May.

Food and Drug Administration. 2026a. “FDA Briefing Document, BLA 125869/0, Influenza Vaccine, mRNA (Proposed Trade Name: mFlusiva).” Vaccines and Related Biological Products Advisory Committee, June 18, 2026. Division of Clinical and Toxicology Review, Office of Vaccines Research and Review, Center for Biologics Evaluation and Research. https://www.fda.gov/media/193130/download.

Food and Drug Administration. 2026c. “BLA Clinical Review Memorandum, STN 125869/0, mRNA-1010 (mFlusiva).” Office of Vaccines Research and Review, Center for Biologics Evaluation and Research, August 5. https://www.fda.gov/media/194140/download.

Food and Drug Administration. 2026b. Approval letter, BLA 125869, Influenza Vaccine, mRNA (mFLUSIVA). Signed David C. Kaslow, MD, Director, Office of Vaccines Research and Review, Center for Biologics Evaluation and Research, August 5.

Journal of Infectious Diseases. 2025. “Safety and Immunogenicity of mRNA-1010, an Investigational Seasonal Influenza Vaccine, in Healthy Adults: Final Results From a Phase 1/2 Randomized Trial.” Journal of Infectious Diseases 231 (1): e113. [author names to be completed]

Irrgang, Pascal, Juliane Gerling, Katharina Kocher, Dennis Lapuente, Philipp Steininger, Katharina Habenicht, et al. 2023. “Class Switch toward Noninflammatory, Spike-Specific IgG4 Antibodies after Repeated SARS-CoV-2 mRNA Vaccination.” Science Immunology 8: eade2798.

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McCullough, Peter, Nicolas Hulscher, and John Catanzaro. 2026. “Reanalysis of FDA Clinical Data for mFLUSIVA (mRNA-1010): Unfavorable Risk-Benefit Profile Supports Market Withdrawal.” Zenodo, August 19. https://zenodo.org/records/22016811.

Malone, Robert W. 2021. “Vaccine Nation Forever: Moderna Announces Positive Interim Phase 1 Data for mRNA Flu Vaccine and Provides Program Update.” Malone News, December 11. https://www.malone.news/p/vaccine-nation-forever-moderna-announces.

Healio. 2026. “FDA Approves First mRNA Flu Shot, mFlusiva.” Healio Infectious Disease, August 6.

Moderna. 2025. Statements on termination of BARDA pandemic influenza awards, May 28, 2025. See also Department of Health and Human Services, “HHS Winds Down mRNA Vaccine Development Under BARDA,” press release, August 5, 2025.

Moderna. 2026a. Refusal to File letter from CBER, February 3, 2026, posted by Moderna. See also “Moderna Receives Refusal to File Letter from the U.S. Food and Drug Administration for Its Investigational Seasonal Influenza Vaccine mRNA-1010.” News release, February 10. Form 8-K, US Securities and Exchange Commission.

Moderna. 2026b. “Moderna Receives U.S. FDA Approval for Influenza Vaccine mFLUSIVA (mRNA-1010).” News release, August 6.

New England Journal of Medicine. 2026. “Efficacy and Safety of an mRNA Seasonal Influenza Vaccine in Adults.” Fluent trial report, NEJMoa2516491.

PREVENT Pandemics Act. 2022. Section 2503, enacted as part of Public Law 117-328. Codified at 21 USC 356k, Platform Technologies. Implementing draft guidance: Food and Drug Administration, “Platform Technology Designation Program for Drug Development,” May 2024, Docket FDA-2024-D-1829.

Tech Times. 2026. “mFLUSIVA Approved: FDA Clears mRNA Flu Shot, Unlocking Combo and Pandemic Vaccine Resubmission.” Tech Times, August 6.

Pharmacy Times. 2026a. “FDA Approves mFlusiva, the First mRNA-Based Influenza Vaccine.” Pharmacy Times, August 2026.

Pharmacy Times. 2026b. “After Refusal-to-File, FDA Reconsiders Moderna’s mRNA Flu Vaccine With Higher Bar for Older Adults.” Pharmacy Times, 2026.

Roels, I. L., G. Huang, M. Ferguson, et al. 2025. “mRNA-1010, an mRNA-Based Influenza Vaccine, Is Safe and Efficacious in Adults Aged 50 Years and Older.” Open Forum Infectious Diseases.

Van de Velde, Nicolas, et al. 2026. “Indirect Comparison of mRNA-1010 versus Enhanced Influenza Vaccines in Adults Aged 65 Years and Older during the 2024-2025 US Influenza Season.” Journal of Medical Economics 29 (1): 2046-62.

STAT. 2026a. “Prasad Overruled FDA Staff to Reject Moderna Flu Vaccine Application.” STAT News, February 11. https://www.statnews.com/2026/02/11/moderna-flu-vaccine-application-rejected-by-prasad-overruling-fda-staff/.

STAT. 2026b. “FDA Names Katherine Szarama Acting Director of CBER.” STAT News, April 30. See also “FDA’s Vinay Prasad, Controversial CBER Chief, to Depart,” STAT News, March 6.

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August 23, 2026

What the Hell Happened to Tucker Carlson?

Filed under: Uncategorized — Tags: , , , , — doctordilday @ 6:43 am

Maybe nothing happened to him. Maybe the fraud finally became impossible to ignore.

MARS LEWIS

AUG 14, 2026

👁️🧠🧐 Some men abandon a cause. Others remain until their presence itself proves they never believed it.

That is my position on Tucker Carlson.

For years conservatives watched him and believed they were seeing conviction. They were watching one of the most accomplished political performers of the era.

At Fox the apparatus was complete. Platform, money, legal protection, production, distribution, and a prime-time hour that converted anger into ratings and ratings into influence. He operated as the quiet destroyer of liberal pretension. The schoolboy squint. The measured voice that still left opponents in fragments. Millions trusted him because he said what the rest of television would not say. Censorship. Institutional corruption. The intelligence services. The open disdain the governing class directed at ordinary Americans.

He was frequently accurate. Accuracy does not equal loyalty.

He sold the audience a specific figure: Tucker Carlson, the principled dissident prepared to follow evidence and accept the cost. Fox supplied the stage, the lighting, and the paycheck that sustained the performance. The rebellion arrived already produced and protected.

Then Fox removed him.

The apparatus vanished. The secured audience vanished. The institutional cover vanished. The free agent had to generate his own revenue.

That is the moment the actual Tucker Carlson became visible.

He could not maintain the previous audience at the previous scale without the network structure. Adjustment followed. Interviews turned stranger. Alliances turned stranger. The requirement to remain the central figure overrode earlier claims of identity. Provocation itself became the offering.

He now states he will help construct a third party. He said it directly to the Columbia Journalism Review. He has left the Republican Party, issued a manifesto, and placed himself inside a post-MAGA faction that treats the Republican coalition as the obstacle.

This country has conducted the third-party experiment repeatedly. Noise is generated. The angry are collected. Rallies are held. Election Day arrives and arithmetic ignores the performance. A third party drawn primarily from disaffected Republican and MAGA voters does not require victory. It requires only enough leakage in Pennsylvania, Michigan, Wisconsin, Georgia, or Arizona.

The demonstration is complete. A Democrat occupies the office.

Carlson possesses sufficient intelligence to foresee that result. The destructiveness lies there. He spent years detailing the consequences of left-wing power. His present recommendation is to split the only coalition positioned to prevent those consequences.

The country is not a broadcast. Elections produce outcomes that outlast any single program. A president selects judges, directs agencies, determines immigration enforcement, and sets foreign policy. Those years are not recovered because a performer required a new role.

Then the Hunter Biden interview arrived on August 10.

The two men have known each other for decades. Tucker spent years attacking the Biden apparatus, the laptop, Burisma, the foreign commercial activity, and the pre-2020 censorship that protected the story. Now Hunter sits opposite him in an extended, cordial exchange. Tucker offers repeated expressions of regret over his earlier handling of Hunter’s addiction and indicates greater forbearance was warranted. Hunter uses the platform to describe Donald Trump as an existential threat.

Forbearance toward addiction is available. Employing a platform constructed through opposition to the Biden operation in order to restore political standing to Hunter Biden is a separate act. The consistency of the pattern leaves little room for alternative readings.

Tucker advances toward whatever sustains his position as the figure under observation.

I regard Tucker Carlson as a fraud.

Not an unintelligent man. Not an unskilled man. Not a man incorrect on every matter. A fraud. An effective one.

Recognition arrived late for that reason.

He mapped his audience with greater precision than most Republican officeholders ever achieved. He registered their anger, their perception that institutions held them in contempt, and their fatigue with an establishment that requested votes and then discarded the voters. He identified the precise points of pressure and applied force. That capacity conferred value. It also conferred power.

Conservatives concluded that hostility toward their opponents equaled shared allegiance. A contracted blade can still strike in a useful direction. For a period his did. Allegiance becomes measurable only when it extracts a price.

Fox ended. Incentives realigned. Revenue realigned. Tucker realigned with them.

His prior path already contained the evidence. Movement from CNN and Crossfire through MSNBC into Fox and then independent media. Sequential occupation of establishment journalist, conservative challenger, and populist critic. The camera has always been located. The sequence was described as development. Beyond a certain threshold the sequence is product design.

A chameleon does not abandon its coloration. The successive colors demonstrate that no fixed nature existed beneath them.

The identical adjustment appeared with Megyn Kelly after her departure from Fox. The identical adjustment appears with Alex Jones whenever revenue demands a revised posture. Tucker operates by the same logic. Once the network salary ended, he determined that the original audience could not be retained at the original volume without a decisive turn against Trump and toward those he previously targeted. That turn discloses character, or its absence.

The conservative audience never insisted on perfection. Disagreement, eccentricity, and intervals of deviation were absorbed. Large numbers believed a substantial figure existed beneath the performance whose primary loyalty remained with those who had placed trust in him.

That belief no longer holds.

Tucker’s governing loyalty is to Tucker. The audience occupies the secondary position. The cause waits.

This account explains more than any assertion of sudden mental collapse. Intelligence remained. Understanding of electoral mechanics remained. The extended exchange with Hunter Biden was not accidental. The third-party initiative that risks restoring power to the side previously identified as dangerous was not a misstep.

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Choices were made.

Conservatives now make their own.

Every reinvention can continue to be treated as intellectual advancement. Or the oldest transaction in performance can be recognized: when one act exhausts its audience, the performer substitutes another.

P.T. Barnum grasped the mechanism. Tucker Carlson grasps it. Large numbers of conservatives purchased admission.

King Midas obtained precisely what he requested and learned that the golden capacity had contaminated everything human in reach. Gold ceased functioning as wealth. It produced isolation and loss.

Tucker refined the political equivalent of that capacity for years. Outrage was converted into attention. Attention was converted into influence. Viewers were persuaded that observation itself constituted resistance. The method succeeded. The audience generated wealth, status, and the identity known as Tucker Carlson.

He now advances an initiative capable of dividing those same voters and facilitating the election of the side he previously designated a threat.

The original question may have been miscast.

No transformation of Tucker Carlson was required.

Fox did not reshape him. Revenue did not reshape him. Independence did not reshape him.

Those conditions merely withdrew the scenery.

What remains is the performer who occupied the space behind it throughout.

Tucker Carlson underwent no loss of reason.

His audience received its first unobstructed view.

Stop listening to him.

—Mars Lewis

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August 22, 2026

Ground News and the Factuality Scam

Filed under: Uncategorized — Tags: , , , , — doctordilday @ 11:43 am

How Biased Media Ratings Make Conservative News Look Unreliable

DR. ROBERT W. MALONE AUG 22
 
READ IN APP
 

There is a relatively new player in the news business that I have been watching with considerable interest. Ground News was founded in 2018 by former NASA engineer Harleen Kaur and Sukh Singh around what, on its face, is an excellent idea: stop allowing an algorithm to decide which version of the news you are permitted to see.

That is a much bigger problem than most people realize. Google News presents itself as an aggregator, but aggregation is itself an editorial act. Someone, or more accurately an algorithm designed and tuned by someone, determines which publications appear at the top of the page, and which are buried twenty stories down, and which effectively disappear. An analysis released by AllSides found that 73 percent of the articles appearing on Google News in its 2025 audit came from publications it classified as being on the political Left. Just 1 percent came from the Right. Apple News was somewhat better, but hardly balanced: 50 percent from the Left and 2 percent from the Right. Yahoo is just as bad.

The old newspaper editor deciding what belonged above the fold has largely been replaced by an algorithm deciding what belongs on your screen. The technology changed. The gatekeeping did not – in fact, it became much, much worse and more homogeneous across billions of Google, Apple, and Yahoo accounts.

We learned how consequential that gatekeeping could become during COVID. Anyone who seriously challenged the official pandemic response, the vaccines or vaccine mandates risked being branded a purveyor of “misinformation.” The mainstream press overwhelmingly participated in that process, while conservative and independent media were far more willing to publish dissenting views. Google News and Apple News then aggregated an information ecosystem already heavily weighted toward one side of that debate, magnifying the effect.

We experienced this personally.

Robert was repeatedly attacked in the mainstream press for his role in the development of mRNA vaccine technology. The dispute was not some unknowable question of opinion. There are patents, patent disclosures, contemporaneous laboratory records, publications and primary-source documents. Yet major publications repeatedly framed him as falsely claiming to have invented mRNA vaccine technology.

The New York Times sent a reporter to our farm for two days. We offered primary documentation concerning Robert’s work, which she refused to review. The resulting article nevertheless became another vehicle for attacking his credibility and disputing his role in the technology. Similar treatments appeared in The Atlantic and the Washington Post. Those articles then became sources for subsequent articles, fact checks, and Wikipedia entries. The secondary reporting gradually displaced the primary historical record.

That experience matters because it demonstrates something fundamental about the modern information system. Once a major publication establishes a characterization, other publications cite it. Fact checkers cite those publications. Wikipedia cites the fact-checkers and publications. Search engines elevate the resulting pages. Eventually the sheer number of citations creates the appearance of independent corroboration, although much of the information may ultimately trace back to the same handful of original false or misleading claims.

During COVID, this problem became institutionalized. A network of government agencies, public-health officials, academic “misinformation” researchers, NGOs and social-media companies developed specifically to identify, track and counter claims about COVID and the vaccines. 

One of the most important was Stanford’s Virality Project, which brought together the Stanford Internet Observatory and other organizations to monitor vaccine narratives in real time and exchange information with public-health officials, government agencies and social-media platforms. 

The CDC simultaneously published guidance for identifying and countering vaccine “misinformation,” while the Virality Project openly recommended greater government coordination and public-private collaboration with the social-media companies. The fundamental problem was that this machinery was operating while the science itself was still evolving. Questions about vaccine efficacy, transmission, natural immunity, adverse events, and mandates could therefore be classified as “misinformation” according to the official consensus of the moment, even when some of those questioning approved narratives were subsequently vindicated, or the topics proved far more complicated than officials had acknowledged. 

The government did not need to establish an official Ministry of Truth. It already had something uncomfortably close to one in CISA, the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency. During the COVID era, the federal government developed an extensive system for monitoring what it called misinformation and disinformation, communicating with social-media companies and working alongside academic and nonprofit organizations engaged in the same mission. CISA became an important part of that broader government-private information-control infrastructure, while the Virality Project and others monitored vaccine narratives and maintained relationships with government agencies and technology platforms. The result was an extraordinary arrangement: government officials could identify information they considered false or misleading, outside organizations could track and flag it, and private technology companies could suppress, label or remove it. No formal Orwellian Ministry of Truth was required. Much of the machinery already existed, distributed across government agencies, universities, NGOs and Silicon Valley, with CISA sitting inside that ecosystem.

After COVID-19, the fact-checking infrastructure did not disappear. It simply morphed again. What had begun, in part, as an apparatus designed to detect foreign election interference expanded into policing domestic election “misinformation,” then COVID and vaccine “disinformation,” and has now become institutionalized within the broader information ecosystem, including news aggregators and media-rating systems. The emergency may have ended, but the machinery built to police information during the emergency remains. In some ways, these organizations have become empty vessels waiting to be filled by the next national or global crisis, when government once again declares an urgent need to control “misinformation” for the public good. The subject changes. The infrastructure remains.

But there is the fact-checking issue and, of course, the bias of big aggregators toward publishing only stories from the left on their front pages. Effectively eliminating conservative voices.

Ground News appears, at first, to offer an ingenious solution to precisely this problem. Instead of hiding the political orientation of the sources it aggregates, Ground makes that information part of the product. It groups reporting on the same event and shows readers how publications on the Left, Right, and Center cover it. Its “Blindspot” feature identifies stories receiving extensive coverage on one side of the political spectrum while being largely ignored by the other. Instead of pretending editorial bias doesn’t exist, Ground News exposes it and lets readers make their own judgments.

The idea has caught on. Ground News says it now processes nearly 60,000 articles every day from more than 50,000 news sources worldwide. Its Android app alone has been downloaded more than a million times. It offers browser extensions, newsletters, and paid subscription products, and has established itself as a serious alternative to Google News, Apple News, and other major aggregators.

There is much to like about its philosophy. Ground News says its mission is to help readers “break free from algorithms,” escape political echo chambers and discover reporting they otherwise might never encounter. The company is not owned by Google or a legacy media conglomerate. It says it is primarily supported by subscribers and a small group of individual investors. Its slogan is “See every side of every news story.”

That is precisely why I started using it.

For the basic purpose of seeing how different parts of the political spectrum cover the same event, I still think it is an excellent concept. If the New York Times, CNN, and Washington Post are describing an event one way while Fox, the Daily Wire, and Washington Examiner are describing it another, I want to see both. More importantly, if one side of the media ecosystem has collectively decided that a story is not worth covering at all, I want to know that too.

But Ground News has incorporated something very different into this otherwise admirable attempt at transparency.

Ground News tells its readers which news sources are factual.

A couple of examples to illustrate the point:


Alongside political bias, Ground News displays what it calls a “Factuality” rating. Publications are classified as Very High, High, Mixed, Low or Very Low factuality. Presented alongside news coverage, the obvious implication is that this tells readers something about the story’s factual reliability.

It does not.

In its ratings of factuality, Ground News has not determined whether the article in front of you is factual. It has not checked the sources in that article. It has not verified the quotations, examined the primary documents, checked the statistics, or determined whether the headline accurately represents the evidence.

If you dig deep into their Ground News Methodology page, which doesn’t come up automatically in their news section, they acknowledge this explicitly in their own methodology:

Scores apply to each publication as a whole, not to their individual articles.”

This changes the meaning of the rating. It is not a rating of the individual news story, but of the outlet itself

A publication-level reputation score and an article-level determination of factual accuracy are two entirely different things. Yet the publication-wide judgment is displayed alongside individual stories under the extraordinarily authoritative label “Factuality.” Most readers would think that the actual article had been fact-checked, but it has not.

Ground News has therefore solved one form of media bias while importing another directly into the solution. This is disingenuous at best.

Worse, Ground News doesn’t actually make these factuality determinations itself. The rating is derived from outside media-rating organizations, principally Ad Fontes Media and Media Bias/Fact Check. Ground’s own FAQ states that its staff does not participate in evaluating the Bias or Factuality ratings. It outsources those judgments and then incorporates them into the product.

That would be less troubling if the outside ratings were objective measurements of whether publications publish true information.

They aren’t.

The problem becomes clearer when we look at what these organizations actually measure. Neither Ad Fontes nor Media Bias/Fact Check restricts itself to determining whether statements published by a news organization are factually true. Ad Fontes incorporates such things as language, headlines, expression, context, the distinction between opinion and straight reporting, and comparison with coverage from other news organizations. Media Bias/Fact Check incorporates sourcing, omissions, one-sidedness, adherence to what it considers established scientific evidence, and the judgments of outside fact-checking organizations. These may all be legitimate subjects for media criticism, but they are not synonymous with factual accuracy.

More troubling is what happens when those methodologies are applied across the political spectrum. We took a preliminary sample of prominent left- and right-leaning publications and compared their current Ad Fontes reliability ratings using ChatGPT. The results were remarkably consistent. The left-wing publications in our sample averaged 35.54 for reliability, while the conservative publications averaged 30.74, a difference of nearly five points.

One obvious explanation might be that we simply selected more extreme publications on the Right. But according to Ad Fontes’ own political-bias scores, the opposite was true. The left-wing publications in our sample averaged 12.84 points from the political center, compared with 12.37 points for the conservative publications. In other words, the two groups were almost identically ideological by Ad Fontes’ own measurement, with the Left actually slightly farther from center.

Some individual comparisons are even more revealing:

The last comparison is particularly difficult to explain as a simple consequence of political extremity. Ad Fontes considers Jacobin farther to the Left than The Federalist is to the Right, yet Jacobin receives a reliability score more than 10 points higher.

We then tested the entire sample statistically rather than relying upon individual examples. After controlling for each publication’s absolute ideological distance from the political center, right-leaning publications were associated with an approximately 5.2-point lower Ad Fontes reliability score in this sample. The result was statistically significant. We can’t prove that Ad Fontes deliberately discriminates against conservative media, but it sure looks that way. And it does establish that the disparity exists in the publications we examined and cannot be explained simply by the conservative outlets being more ideologically extreme.

Media Bias/Fact Check showed the same general pattern in our smaller comparison. Five prominent left-wing publications averaged 2.72 on its factuality scale, while five conservative publications averaged 5.50 (a higher score showing lower factuality). On the MBFC scale, lower scores indicate greater factual reliability, so once again the conservative publications received substantially worse ratings.

That matters enormously when Ground News takes these publication-wide assessments on individual news stories and presents the resulting classification to readers as “Factuality.” Ground News is not beginning with a politically neutral measurement of whether the article in front of you is true. It is importing a rating system that incorporates subjective judgments extending far beyond factual accuracy and which, in our preliminary examination, produces substantially different outcomes for comparable publications on the political Left and Right.

The result is a Factuality system tilted against conservative media before Ground News ever displays the first article. Ground News imports that bias, converts it into a simple label for individual news stories, and presents the result to readers as an objective measure of factual reliability.

Consequently, Ground News takes those publication-level judgments and attaches their consequences to individual journalism. 

An article published by a conservative outlet can be completely accurate and rigorously sourced. Every quotation can be correct. Every statistic can be sourced. It can link directly to government documents, court records, or scientific papers. Nobody at Ground News needs to find a single factual error in it.

The reader can still encounter that story beneath the designation “Low Factuality.” The judgment is without evidence.

This is where the system begins to resemble what Nancy Pelosi once famously described as the “wrap-up smear.” The traditional version is straightforward. An allegation is introduced, usually in an unheard-of outlet, and often it is a “pay-for-play” hit piece – say, by the opposing politician, super PAC, or an industry under scrutiny. The press reports the allegation. Another newspaper republishes the allegation, citing the more recent news outlet as the source. Again, this can be a “pay-for-play” strategy. Then the existence of the press coverage is cited as evidence that the original allegation must have substance. The accusation is laundered through various news sources and eventually is determined by mainstream media to be “fact” – without any additional evidence whatsoever, just an accusation by some small-time media outlet. Finally, the newly minted “fact” makes its way to the AI Overview that Google now places above traditional search results and to Wikipedia.

We have experienced that process firsthand as well.

On a single podcast in the year 2022 or thereabouts, Robert discussed evidence suggesting that, in rare cases, mRNA COVID-19 vaccination could be associated with an acquired immune deficiency or immunosuppressive syndrome. The distinction is fundamental. Acquired immune deficiency describes a condition. It does not mean HIV infection or HIV-associated AIDS. Robert’s scientific training included early work in laboratories studying retroviruses and immunodeficiency during the period when AIDS itself was first being characterized. This was not an obscure distinction for him.

But the distinction rapidly disappeared in the retelling. His comments were transformed into the far more sensational claim that “Robert Malone says the COVID vaccine causes AIDS,” carrying the obvious implication of HIV/AIDS. That characterization moved from publication to publication, with later accounts citing earlier accounts until the media’s description of what Robert had supposedly said became more authoritative than what he actually said.

Eventually it arrived at Wikipedia, where Robert is described as having claimed that COVID vaccines were “causing a form of AIDS,” supported by citations to secondary reporting, not the original podcast (long gone from social media). It is a documented fact that these products are associated with immunoglobulin class switching, which represents a form of acquired immunodeficiency. The reporting establishes the characterization, and that characterization is then cited as evidence that it is true. The implication of this in his permanent record on Wiki either makes him look like a fool or a fraud, neither of which is true. 

That is the wrap-up smear in action.


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Ground News is now industrializing the wrap-up smear.

Ground News is now industrializing the wrap-up smear. Conservative news organizations are repeatedly downgraded by fact checkers and media-rating companies until being conservative itself becomes associated with being less factual. Ground News then imports that biased reputational judgment and places it next to every article it publishes.

The wrong publication is all that it takes to get a low factuality score on an article. And that low factuality can be based on whether a news organization is conservative. How f*cked up is that?

This produces an extraordinary paradox. Ground News was created, in part, to free readers from an information ecosystem in which algorithms and establishment media organizations decide which sources they should see. Yet its Factuality system allows outside fact-checking organizations, known to be statistically biased against conservative media outlets, to prejudge which of those newly visible sources readers should trust.

That distinction becomes particularly consequential since conservative publications systematically begin with lower reputational scores. Ground News may display more conservative journalism than Google News, while simultaneously presenting that journalism beneath warning labels that tell readers the publications producing it are less factual.

The consequence is that when a narrative written from a conservative or libertarian point of view has finally made it into at least one major aggregator, the Ground News organization has already told the reader how much to trust it before the reader has examined a single piece of evidence. That isn’t an assessment of the factuality of journalism. It is an assessment (made by biased sources) of the reputation of the journalist’s publisher.

Ground News is perfectly entitled to provide such ratings. Readers may even find them useful. But they should be labeled accurately. Call them Publisher ReputationSource Reliability, or Third-Party Media Outlet Rating.

Do not imply that these ratings reflect the factuality of the news in front of the reader. Because Ground News itself acknowledges in the fine print that it has made no such determination. 

Deceitful is a strong word, but if the shoe fits…

JGM/RWM

Independent journalism matters precisely because the institutions that once decided what you were allowed to see are increasingly deciding what you are supposed to believe. The systems described in this article do not require censorship. They work by assigning credibility in advance, elevating approved sources while quietly warning readers away from those that challenge the prevailing narrative.

Researching these systems takes time. It means reading the methodologies, checking the underlying ratings, comparing outlets, running the numbers and following the citations back to their original sources rather than simply repeating what another journalist has written.

That is what your subscriptions make possible.

Upgrade to paid

If you value journalism that questions the gatekeepers rather than asking their permission, please consider becoming a paid subscriber. It keeps this publication independent and allows us to continue doing the research that increasingly falls outside the boundaries of what establishment media considers acceptable to investigate.

And perhaps most importantly, it means no fact checker, media-rating company, government agency, advertiser or algorithm gets to decide what we are allowed to write.

You’re currently a free subscriber to Malone News. For the full experience, upgrade your subscription.

August 21, 2026

The Stranger at the Door: Homer on Hospitality and Civilization

Filed under: Uncategorized — Tags: , , , , — doctordilday @ 1:28 pm

Part Five: Why the ‘Odyssey’ still matters

The Stranger at the Door: Homer on Hospitality and Civilization
Odysseus meets the gracious and modest Princess Nausicaa. “Odysseus and Nausicaa,” 1619, by Pieter Lastman. Oil on panel. Alte Pinakothek, Munich. Public Domain

Scott Masson

Scott Masson

8/21/2026

One of the simplest tests of civilization in Homer’s “Odyssey” is what happens when a stranger arrives at the door.

The Greek institution of “xenia”—the reciprocal bond between host and guest—is not merely good manners. It is a sacred obligation protected by Zeus himself, “Zeus Xenios,” guardian of strangers.

Throughout the “Odyssey,” Homer asks his audience to judge individuals and societies by how they treat those who arrive dependent, unknown, and even incapable of repaying kindness. The stranger’s claim upon the host is simply the fact that he is in need.

The Phaeacians that Odysseus visits from the end of Book 5 to the beginning of Book 13 represent “xenia” in its most elaborate form. When the shipwrecked Odysseus first appears among them, he possesses nothing. King Alcinous nevertheless welcomes him, feeds him, entertains him with games and song, gives him gifts, and ultimately provides the ship that carries him home. Although Odysseus’s tears ultimately reveal his identity, there was no calculation involved in the Phaeacians’ hospitality.

The proud cyclops Polyphemus represents the opposite principle in action. When Odysseus enters his cave, he explicitly appeals to Zeus as protector of suppliants and strangers. Polyphemus contemptuously replies that the cyclopes care nothing for Zeus. Instead of feeding his guests, he devours them.

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Homer makes cannibalism the grotesque inversion of hospitality: The civilized man feeds the stranger; the barbarian feeds upon him.

The suitors commit a subtler version of the same offense. They are technically guests in Odysseus’s house, but they have transformed hospitality into exploitation. They consume his livestock, drink his wine, threaten his son, abuse other guests, and seek possession of his wife and household.

“Xenia” requires reciprocity and restraint; the suitors recognize neither. The destruction the gods demand is, therefore, connected to a larger restoration of civilized order.

Homer makes the point still more powerfully through Eumaeus. The swineherd possesses far less than the Phaeacian king, yet when the disguised Odysseus appears at his hut, Eumaeus immediately welcomes and feeds him. “Stranger,” he explains, it would be wrong to dishonor a guest, for strangers and beggars come from Zeus.

Hospitality is measured not by the magnificence of the gift but by the disposition of the giver. A poor swineherd can be more civilized than wealthy aristocrats. Homer, in an apostrophe of affection, breaks his third-person narrative to directly address Eumaeus—“O, my swineherd!”

This Homeric understanding has striking parallels with both Jewish and Christian traditions.

The Jewish practice of “hachnasat orchim”—literally, “bringing in guests”—is traditionally grounded in Abraham’s reception of the three strangers in Genesis 18. Abraham interrupts his own affairs, runs to meet them, offers water and rest, and provides generous food before fully comprehending whom he is entertaining. The stranger at the door becomes an occasion for encountering something beyond oneself.

The New Testament develops a remarkably similar ethos through “philoxenia,” literally, the “love of the stranger.” The intensification of Homer’s ethic is rooted in Christ’s substitution of himself for his enemies at the cross.

Paul commands Christians to “pursue hospitality” (Romans 12:13), while Hebrews famously counsels, “Do not neglect to show hospitality to strangers, for thereby some have entertained angels unawares” (Hebrews 13:2)—an unmistakable echo of Abraham. The qualifications for Christian leadership even include being “philoxenos,” or hospitable—literally, stranger-loving (1 Timothy 3:2; Titus 1:8).

Homer, Abraham, and the New Testament, therefore, share a significant intuition: Civilization requires that we recognize obligations extending beyond immediate self-interest and beyond the boundaries of family and tribe.

Augustine’s “ordo amoris” (“order of love”) provides a philosophical framework for the Christian love of the stranger. Augustine deepens “philoxenia” by arguing that virtue consists in loving things according to their proper worth: God above all, and our neighbor in relation to God.

The stranger, therefore, cannot be valued merely according to usefulness, familiarity, or social status. Hospitality becomes a correction of our own selfish desire—learning to recognize and love the good of someone from whom we may receive nothing in return.

The modern world has largely lost this sense of obligation to the stranger. How did that happen?

Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s “amour de soi-même” (self-love), the foundation of his ethics, is the obvious source. Rousseau does not directly advocate selfishness. Rousseau presents “amour de soi” as the natural and legitimate instinct of self-preservation and well-being, moderated by the natural sentiment of pity.

Nonetheless, Rousseau prioritizes physical survival, bodily safety, and basic comfort before higher social duties such as “xenia.” It becomes the basis of Abraham Maslow’s hierarchy of human needs.

These modern views of the instinct of self-love directly repudiate the views of Homer, Abraham, and the New Testament. They do not even ask how we can love ourselves and be compassionate. They just ask what we owe the stranger. Hospitality imposes an obligation precisely when self-interest might counsel against it. The stranger consumes one’s food, occupies one’s house, and may offer nothing immediately in return.

The modern nation-state and its system of taxation muddy the waters. “Xenia” is now often administered by border officials and impersonal government agencies. It cares nothing for cultivating right sentiments. It takes other citizens’ resources to house and feed strangers.

Destructive political battles ensue when Homer’s understanding of the right behavior of hosts and guests is ignored. Some politicians will even see political advantage in mass immigration and weaponize the guilt of their opponents. More reasonable people will ask whether we have refugees or the equivalent of the suitors in our midst.

That is why hospitality becomes a test of civilization. Polyphemus sees the stranger as prey. The suitors see another man’s generosity as something to exploit. Eumaeus sees the stranger as someone placed under his protection. Rousseau sees the stranger as someone we should pity. The state sees the stranger as a political tool.

A civilization, Homer suggests, can be judged by which of these responses it teaches its people to make when a stranger appears at the door.

For more discussion of the “Odyssey,” go to my YouTube channel. If you would like a free copy of my Visual Guide to Homer’s Odyssey, click here.

Views expressed in this article are opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Epoch Times.33Share this article

Scott Masson

Scott Masson

Author

Scott Masson is an associate professor of English literature at Tyndale University. Visit his website Paideia Today. for a free Visual Guide to the Odyssey. You can also follow him on Substack and YouTube.

“You Know Who You Are”: The Empire Trump Didn’t Have to Name

Filed under: Uncategorized — Tags: , , , — doctordilday @ 9:22 am
“You Know Who You Are”: The Empire Trump Didn’t Have to NameThe Gulf’s trillions used to land in London. Not anymore. The strait that stopped mattering, the “grassroots” that turned out to be billionaires — and your 10-to-15-person assignment before November.By Adam Sturman & 2 others • 21 Aug 2026 View in browserPresident Trump delivers remarks at the David S. Mack Center for Training and Intelligence in Garden City, New York, Friday, August 14, 2026. 
 Hey Dennis, thank you for your continued support.Wednesday night, President Trump announced “the MOST CRUSHING ECONOMIC OPERATION EVER TAKEN AGAINST ANY COUNTRY.”The media covered the Iran half. Then they stopped reading — one sentence too early.Oil smuggling, swap lines, cash transfers, exchange houses, ship registries, front companies — it all needs to stop NOW. You know who you are.
— President Trump, Truth SocialTrump didn’t put a name on the address line. He didn’t have to. Barbara spent two hours filling it in: the empire whose flag flew over the Middle East for a century — and whose London banks the Gulf’s trillions used to flow through, before Trump redirected them to America.Susan had a family obligation this week, so the man who preps this show from the back end every week stepped in front of the camera: Bruce Director, Promethean Action board member and chief scientist.Two hours with Barbara and Bruce: why the Strait of Hormuz stopped mattering, what the Mecca Pact replaces, who actually funds America’s “socialist grassroots” — and the one assignment that outranks everything else between now and November.The enemy wouldn’t be acting so crazy if they were winning.
— Bruce DirectorREPLAY — Thursday, August 20th What Flag Flew Over the Middle East Ten Years Ago?Barbara’s frame for the whole week: ten years ago, anyone who knew history could tell you whose flag really flew over the Middle East. The UK’s.That’s what just ended. The UAE — the center of Iran’s financial transactions — left OPEC and cut all ties with Tehran. Barbara’s words: a crippling blow.All of that Gulf money, which is currently coming into the United States in the trillions to invest in our development, used to go to banks in London. Are you getting the bigger picture in terms of what’s really going on in this war?
— Barbara BoydAnd the Mecca Pact: Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Pakistan — the biggest-moving economies in the Muslim world — underwriting their own security and Gaza’s development, with Trump cheering it on. Bruce put it in sequence: Hamas agreeing to disarm, Lebanon disarming Hezbollah, Syria cutting Iran’s land route — every piece of the Board of Peace clicking into place.You don’t make peace with your friends. You make peace with your enemies.
— Bruce Director, quoting Rabin and Peres at OsloThe Kissinger doctrine kept the region divided, dependent, and at war for fifty years. Its replacement is being signed in Mecca — and financed in dollars.Meet the Backend Intelligence GuyMost viewers had never seen Bruce Director on camera. Barbara introduced him the way she knows him: “he’s our backend intelligence guy — really critical to me and Susan every single week.”You got two hours of why. The Strait of Hormuz “leverage” everyone screamed about? Becoming less of a factor by the week — even the Iranians admit it. Gas prices? A refining-capacity problem — no new refineries in decades, the wrong crude, the Jones Act — and he expects them to keep falling into the fall.If you want to save the country, stop getting the heebie-jeebies about this and that — go out and save the country.
— Bruce DirectorA Jacobin Movement, Funded by BillionairesBarbara went to the source: Antonio Gramsci, the patron saint of the DSA, who taught that revolution in the West requires destroying Western civilization first. Then the Pelosi deal Michael Shellenberger documented: keep the woke crusades — just drop the attacks on Wall Street.Bruce added the receipts: Evan Barker, a Democrat fundraiser who rose through the progressive movement, now confessing in print that nearly all of it is financed by billionaires — hedge-fund heiresses, oil fortunes, Soros front companies.You’re not looking at a grassroots movement. You’re looking at a bunch of Jacobins financed by billionaires who are out to destroy America — and they ain’t for the working class.
— Bruce DirectorAnd the deeper history: Marx didn’t invent a movement. He inherited one — built by the same European financial elites who backed the Confederacy, to stop the American System from spreading.Here’s what we covered (links jump to that moment in the broadcast):The Stephen Miller Clip “Nobody has done more to rebuild the Republican Party than Trump since Lincoln himself.” The takeaway: the Trump voter has to show up.Navarro: The Melody and the Baseline The economic message is the baseline — it has to play every single day.Trump’s “Economic D-Day” Truth Swap lines, ship registries, front companies — “it all needs to stop NOW. You know who you are.”Barbara’s Open: It’s One Operation Every side issue is the same operation. The mission is the House and the Senate.Bruce’s Open: The Strait That Stopped Mattering Iran’s Hormuz “leverage” is evaporating — and even Tehran admits it.The Middle East Mailbag The UAE embargo, the Mecca Pact, Gaza’s development plans — and what flag flew here ten years ago.Bruce: Why Gas Is Still High Refineries, the Jones Act, Russian diesel — and why he expects prices to keep falling.The Mecca Pact and the Board of Peace Hamas disarming, Hezbollah cut off, Syria closed to Tehran — the sequence nobody connects.In Defense of the First Family Barbara on the Kushner smears — and the Gaza plan the attacks are meant to kill.The Middle East’s New Generation Twenty- and thirty-somethings around MBS and MBZ who want startups, not a thirty years’ war.Kevin: Venezuela’s Future Nation-state, not territory — plus Bruce on the Cuba backchannel Rubio keeps hinting at.Mother of Pearl: A Gold-Backed Dollar? Production determines the value of money — not the other way around.The DSA Block: Gramsci’s Ghost Why “destroy Western civilization” is the actual program — and Pelosi’s deal with the squad.Confessions of a Democrat Operative Evan Barker’s book: the “grassroots” is billionaires all the way down.BYW99: How Are the Midterms Looking? Don’t believe the polls. Too big to rig — again.Mercenary: Fixing an Atomized Society The military’s civilizing influence, JD Vance’s return to religion, and Bruce’s case for shop class.Susan Hogan: The Bannon Problem Navarro got the best of him — and the middle class is communism’s real target.The Bootcamp Invitation What actually happens on Monday nights — and why it feeds what we produce.Josh: A Slogan for Blue States “10 to 15 — and be a human.” Bruce: check out New Hampshire.Anthony: NDAs and the Workforce “Wouldn’t you rather be building submarines?” The sign that hired the hood.The Canada Question Carney, the central banker of central bankers — and Bruce is “tired of their crap.”Donna: What Are Data Centers, Really? The railroads of physical AI — previewing Saturday’s class with Bruce and Brian Lantz.Patricia: Soros and the Pound Deeper than MI6 — and the new pamphlet Barbara is writing now.Jake: The Deficit You grow your way out. Bessent: the best Treasury Secretary since Hamilton.Don: The Elevator Pitch Want a revolution? Study the real revolutionaries — the ones they’ve buried for 250 years.Closing Marching Orders 10 to 15 people to the polls. That’s the task.10 to 15 People. That’s the Task.Barbara ended where she began: everything else — the smears, the polls, the manufactured splits — is designed to demoralize the people who delivered 2024.You’re the people who delivered 2024 in an election which was too big to rig. And you gotta do it again — except even bigger.
— Barbara BoydDon’t take the bait. Get your 10 to 15 committed. Start now.We’re live again next Thursday. Send us your questions now and Barbara and Susan will take them on air.Submit your questions now🎓 This Saturday: AI, Data Centers, and the Real Physical EconomyBarbara announced it on air: Bruce Director and Brian Lantz teach this Saturday’s class on the breakthroughs in AI and the truth about data centers — what they are, why we need them, and what physical AI makes possible. If Donna’s question is on your mind too, this is the answer in full. Join us live tomorrow.SIGN UP TO ATTEND LIVE Next Midterm Bootcamp — Monday, August 24th, 8pm EasternBarbara’s answer to “how do I actually get 10 to 15 people” isn’t a slogan — it’s a standing Monday-night working session. Bring the problems you’re hitting; they feed directly into the literature and door tags Promethean PAC produces.SIGN UP HERESee you Thursday.

Adam Sturman
Producer, Promethean Action
https://x.com/AdamSturman23

Friday Funnies: Just One More Thing!

Filed under: Uncategorized — Tags: , , , , — doctordilday @ 7:57 am

Is there a modicum of self-awareness “creeping” into UK politics?

DR. ROBERT W. MALONE AUG 21
 
READ IN APP
 








The British Home Office has apparently concluded that asylum seekers arriving in the United Kingdom require a tutorial on what should be universal morality. 

This week, the government released “Understanding behaviours and expectations in the UK: A guide for asylum seekers,” accompanied by a series of illustrated posters explaining some of the finer points of British life.

Women are equal to men. Women may work, study and travel without a man’s permission. You may not hit or control your wife. Sex requires consent, including within marriage. Children under 16 cannot consent to sex. Do not follow strangers. Do not block their path. Do not make sexual comments. Do not whistle or make kissing noises at women. Do not photograph people in private situations without permission.

There are even separate government posters devoted to “Age of consent,” “Consent,” “Child abuse,” “Domestic abuse,” “Gender equality,” “Harassment,” and “Photography and filming.”

These are not memes created by some foreign bot account on X. They are official Home Office materials, published by His Majesty’s Government on August 19, 2026.

Which raises the rather obvious question that polite society will presumably regard as impolite:

Why did the British government believe these particular instructions needed to be written down?

Governments generally do not spend taxpayer money designing illustrated educational campaigns reminding newcomers not to rape women, abuse children, beat their wives or sexually harass strangers unless someone, somewhere, has concluded that there is a reason to do so.

Over the last decades, Britons have experienced very large migration flows from profoundly different cultures, which might produce “problems” of assimilation. These were routinely dismissed as xenophobic, racist or simply “far right.”

For years, organized groups of men, disproportionately British Pakistani in several of the towns at the center of the scandal, groomed, trafficked and raped vulnerable girls in places such as Rotherham, Rochdale, Oxford and Telford. Authorities had repeated warnings, yet victims were ignored, blamed or treated as troublesome teenagers. Subsequent (conservative) official inquiries documented catastrophic failures by police, councils and social services, including reluctance in some institutions to confront the ethnicity of perpetrators for fear of being called racist or inflaming community tensions. 

In Rotherham alone, the official inquiry estimated that approximately 1,400 children were sexually exploited between 1997 and 2013. Britain learned, at an appalling cost to thousands of girls, that refusing to discuss cultural differences does not make those differences disappear. 

Yet after decades of scandals across numerous English towns, the government’s own 2025 national audit concluded that the data were still so inadequate that Britain could not reliably say how many children had been victimized by grooming gangs nationwide.

So, guess what mainstream media and the liberal parliament had to say about that?

Apparently the Home Office, while not actually addressing the issue of rape gangs head on, has now decided that spelling out a few expectations might be prudent.

Progress, I suppose? Not!

How about actually arresting and deporting immigrants who break the law?

Real progress, as Britain’s Conservative Party and Reform UK have both campaigned on, would mean dramatically reducing the enormous influx of migrants into a country roughly the size of Alabama, but with about 11 times as many people packed into essentially the same land area

One might imagine that population density, housing, infrastructure and assimilation would eventually enter the conversation. But that doesn’t seem to be in the cards for jolly old England.







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August 20, 2026

Biden Adviser Warned Fauci, CDC Director Cloth Masks Didn’t Work Well: Text

Filed under: Uncategorized — Tags: , , , , — doctordilday @ 5:58 pm

Dr. Michael Osterholm also said he wanted to avoid Freedom of Information Act requests, so he was texting rather than emailing.

Biden Adviser Warned Fauci, CDC Director Cloth Masks Didn’t Work Well: Text
A woman wears a mask in New York City on March 10, 2020. Jeenah Moon/Getty Images

Zachary Stieber

Zachary Stieber

Senior Reporter

8/20/2026

A doctor who advised President Joe Biden on COVID-19 warned Dr. Anthony Fauci and other top Biden administration officials in a newly disclosed text message that wearing cloth masks provided “very limited protection.”

Dr. Michael Osterholm, who was part of Biden’s COVID-19 transition advisory team, told Fauci and other officials, including the director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention at the time, in August 2021, that the government needed to encourage the wearing of N-95 masks, rather than masking in general.

“Note the very limited protection from face cloth coverings,” Osterholm said in the text. He said that he supported masking, “but we must be promoting the use of N-95s, even if not fit tested.”

The CDC recommended masking in 2020 after the COVID-19 pandemic started, prompting mask mandates in schools and other places. The agency promoted cloth masks, in addition to better quality face coverings, citing research it published in its quasi-journal.

Osterholm, the director of the Center for Infectious Disease Research and Policy at the University of Minnesota, leading up to the 2021 text said publicly that cloth masks provided limited benefits and that he favored N-95s.

After Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis threatened to withhold funds from schools that forced masking on children, a reporter during a White House press briefing on Aug. 6, 2021, referenced Osterholm’s comments.

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Jen Psaki, the White House press secretary at the time, noted that Osterholm was no longer a government adviser. She said the Biden administration was relying on medical experts in the federal government for masking. The issue with DeSantis, she added, was that the governor was “preventing schools and teachers and others from protecting themselves and the students in their classroom.”

Osterholm reacted by composing a message to Fauci, then-CDC Director Dr. Rochelle Walensky, and several others.

“I’m sending this via text messaging to avoid any FOIA issues,” he wrote on Aug. 8, 2021, referring to the Freedom of Information Act.

A former Fauci adviser just pleaded guilty to the federal crime of defrauding the government by destroying and conspiring to destroy federal records subject to the act, which lets people request government records.

Osterholm, in his message, pointed to a fact sheet from the American Conference of Governmental Industrial Hygienists that said with cloth masks, people had little protection against COVID-19.

He told the administration officials that “none of the studies that CDC uses to support its statement as to the significant protection of face cloth coverings stand up to scientific scrutiny” and urged them to “strongly promote” N-95s to the public.

“I am certain one day that one of the take-away findings of this pandemic was the constant [government] emphasis on masking while at the same time providing minimal guidance to the public what effective masking means,” he said.

The message was obtained by The Epoch Times from Sen. Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa), who acquired it from the Department of Health and Human Services, the CDC’s parent agency. The record was produced in response to Grassley’s requests for documents related to the origins of COVID-19, a spokeswoman said.

Osterholm, Walensky, and Fauci did not respond to requests for comment by the time of publication.

Walensky through 2022 advised schools to keep mask mandates in place. Many states and districts throughout that year rolled back masking requirements. The CDC says on its website now that wearing a mask “offers you an extra layer of protection from respiratory illness” and that “cloth masks generally offer lower levels of protection to wearers.”

Ian Miller, author of “Unmasked: The Global Failure of COVID Mask Mandates,” wrote on X that the newly disclosed message showed that top experts “knew that cloth masks didn’t work and were already failing to stop or even slow transmission and they kept demanding more mask mandates and forced school and toddler masking anyway.”87Share this article

Zachary Stieber

Zachary Stieber

Senior Reporter

Zachary Stieber is a senior reporter for The Epoch Times based in Maryland. He covers U.S. and world news. Contact Zachary at zack.stieber@epochtimes.com

THE OUTLAW LEDGER: Canada Is Not a Partner — It’s an Empire

Filed under: Uncategorized — doctordilday @ 3:28 pm
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